http://www.thejakartapost.com/detaileditorial.asp?fileid=20060413.E02&irec=2
Papua and structural violence Max Lane, Sydney
The arrival of 43 Papuan refugees in Australia followed soon after by the
violent dispersal of otherwise peaceful student demonstrations in Papua has
resulted in two weeks of sustained media coverage of the situation in Papua
and its implications for Australia.
The demonstrations in Papua were organized by a coalition of student
and activists groups, the most significant of which are the Parliament of the
Streets of West Papua (Parjal, the Papuan Students Association (AMP) and the
Papuan National Students Front (FMNP).
The demonstrations were demanding the closure of Freeport and a full audit
of the ecological and human rights impact of the huge foreign owned mine as
well as an assessment of its actual contribution to economic welfare in Papua.
After a peaceful day of demonstrations outside the University of Cendrawasih
on March 15 and a peaceful morning of demonstrating on March 16, the police,
and then later reinforced my army units, attacked the students.
There was fighting on the campus and 5 police were killed and almost 30
students wounded, including some shot. Another demonstration took place in the
town of Timika with more injuries. Since then there has been a police hunt for
student activists. Many are still in hiding.
During these demonstrations and in many statements since then, several
very clear demands have emerged from these student and community groups.
First, there is the demand for the closure and full audit of Freeport.
Second, there is a demand for all Indonesian Armed Forces to withdraw from
Papua.
Third, there is a demand for a democratic, free and open national and
international dialog, involving Papuans, the Indonesians and the
"international community". The Papuan groups calling for this dialog are
asking for an international presence pointing to the big role foreign
interests already play in Papua, through the Freeport mine.
The call for a democratic national and international dialog to discuss how
to resolve the Papuan issue represents also a call for the end of repression
of Papuans, or anybody else in Papua or Indonesia, who do call for secession.
There can be no democratic dialog without the full range of opinion being able
to participate, including from the 35-45 percent of the people in Papua who
are not indigenous Papuans.
Clearly this democracy will be impossible while the army remains a
significant presence in Papua, with its own agenda. Since it has been forced
into the background, first in Indonesia as a whole after the fall of Soeharto,
and then more recently in Aceh, Papua remains its last remaining "sphere of
influence".
This demand for a free, open dialog should be supported even though it
goes further than some of the calls from more moderate sections of Papuan
society who are concentrating on trying to get a renegotiation with Jakarta on
the Special Autonomy Law, an end to Jakarta's efforts to divide Papua into
three provinces and more economic benefits for Papua.
A democratic atmosphere free of all repression will be the best way to
allow Papuans to debate out and form a clear vision of what they want and is a
fundamental necessity for the conduct of the kind of dialog that they are
demanding.
In relation to this, some recent announcements by the Australian
government are totally counter-productive. The majority of Indonesian and
Papuan opinion has consistently identified the enemy of democracy in Papua and
as the "security approach".
This is the attempt to try to control and resolve political issues through
the use of the security apparatus - the police and army. Australian Minister
of Defense, Brendon Nelson's suggestion of joint naval patrols and PM John
Howard's suggestion that refugee visa processes be revised for Papuan refugees
both reinforce this "security approach" strengthening military and
bureaucratic control rather than democratic political struggle.
If Papuans try to come to Australia by boat, it will be above all a
political statement they are making about the lack of freedom in Papua.
Capturing them with naval patrol boats when they are simply using their right
to leave their country just compounds this lack of freedom.
Of course, nobody can predict absolutely what the outcome of dialog
between Papuans, Indonesians and international representatives will be if
carried out in genuine free and democratic atmosphere. Whatever path it leads
to: An autonomous province, self-government within Indonesia, some other
similar formula, or a referendum and independence, the fundamentally decisive
factor will be the opinions of the people for whom Papua is home.
The writer is lecturer in Indonesian Studies, University of Sydney.
--
Central Leadership Committee of People's Democratic Party
(KPP-PRD)
Zely Ariane
(Department of International Relations)
Jl. Tebet Utara II No. 9
Jakarta Selatan 12810 Indonesia
Telp/Fax. (62) (21) 8291745
Mobile. (62) 815-8126673
website: www.prd-online.or.id
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