http://www.majalla.com/en/geopolitics/article207001.ece


A New Sudan in the Waiting?
With a divided peace, an independent South may not end Sudan's fighting 
 
Southern Sudanese women arrive to register to be eligible to vote in the 
upcoming January 2011 referendum on the south's independence from the north, in 
Al-Fasher, the capital of north Darfur on 28 November 2010.

By Lauren Williamson 

Published: Friday 03 December 2010 Updated: Friday 03 December 2010 

Sudanese officials are rushing to register 5 million potential Southern 
Sudanese voters ahead of the January 2011 referendum, which could lead to an 
independent Southern Sudan. Watchdog groups have noted a recent increase in 
North-South violence, and think tank reports warn renewed fighting could cost 
the international community billions of dollars. While the US has ramped up its 
diplomatic engagement in the region, a longer-term framework for peace remains 
unclear. 

In just over a month, Southern Sudanese voters will decide if their region 
should be an independent nation, separate from the government in Khartoum. The 
9 January referendum is part of the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement, forged 
between Sudan's ruling National Congress Party (NCP), led by President Omar 
Al-Bashir, and the Southern Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM), led by 
Salva Kiir Mayardit, which largely controls the south. It is hoped that this 
referendum might lead to a more peaceful Sudan, but there are serious obstacles 
that potentially block the way and several peace incentives that must not be 
overlooked.

Sudan's civil war years (1982-2005) displaced 4 million citizens who scattered 
into nearby countries.  Voices of America reports that out of roughly 5 million 
eligible Southern Sudanese voters, only 2 million are registered, and 
registration closes in one week. There is concern that Al-Bashir will not 
accept the result of the referendum if it yields an independent South as 
expected.  As it stands, less than half of the Southern Sudanese voting 
population will be registered in time, not to mention the Sudanese diaspora, 
and only a portion of that will actually vote in January. This would give 
Al-Bashir solid ground to argue that the January vote was an unfair 
representation of the Southern Sudanese population, thereby justifying his 
decision to refuse Southern independence.

In expectation of the referendum, human rights watchdog agencies have reported 
a surge in North-South fighting since August.  And both regions are preparing 
for an eruption of post-referendum violence. Al-Jazeera English reports that 
the North is amassing troops along the projected North-South border. Kiir has 
asked the UN to add more peacekeeping troops to its current force of 10 
thousand soldiers already in the South. Kiir also claims the North engineered 
an air strike in the South last week to derail elections, according to Reuters 
news agency. 

The US has a substantial stake in this referendum and peace process. Under the 
Clinton and Bush administrations, massive amounts of money and diplomatic 
efforts went into quelling Sudan's civil war. This aid was curbed after the 
victory of the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement.  In a special report for the 
Center for American Progress, former State Department official Jeff Millington 
argues that stepping down efforts in Sudan after 2005 was a mistake.  He argues 
that Sudan's future peace relies on the US's continued engagement and applauds 
the efforts of the Obama administration in revamping diplomatic action in that 
regard. 

Earlier this year, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton publicly said the South's 
secession is inevitable. She warned the North against interfering in the 
process, a rhetorical strategy that might be building the justification for a 
strong-armed intervention against the North, if necessary. During Senator John 
Kerry's visit to Sudan in October, he laid out a peace proposal, the details of 
which, according to his website, were withheld to allow Kiir and Al-Bashir to 
mull over its conditions.  Kerry writes that, "Every reliable source indicates 
that Southern Sudan will vote for separation, dividing Africa's largest country 
and taking with it some 80 percent of known Sudanese oil reserves."

Oil-and the desire for profit-provides a strong incentive for maintaining peace 
between a divided Sudan. Publicly Al-Bashir says he is open to the possibility 
of an independent South Sudan, but some political analysts say Al-Bashir is 
unlikely to let go of the precious resources the South harbors. 

One region cannot profit without the other. Economic interdependence may help 
achieve peace between the North and the South, according to an article in The 
World Today. This is certainly optimistic news, if perhaps short sighted. The 
majority of armed fighters are not the ones whose pockets are lined by oil 
revenue. For these individuals, boosting the nation's economy is no motivation 
to stop the violence. Warring groups might respond to the urging of their 
political leaders, though. In support of the economic rationale for peace, a 
report co-launched by the Institute for International Security explains that if 
both sides attain and sustain peace, it will bring in more profits for the 
country and encourage investors. But if Sudan falls into further civil warring, 
it could cost $100 billion, a price Sudan can't afford and the international 
community doesn't want to pay. Maybe these figures will pique the profit 
interests of regional leaders. 

There are other bargaining chips available, though. The Christian Science 
Monitor reports that part of Kerry's peace proposal offered the North a chance 
to be eliminated from the US's list of nations that support terrorists in 
exchange for allowing the South to secede peacefully. But this is small 
pittance. What the North really wants is for the US to release the tough 
economic sanctions imposed on Sudan over the Darfur crisis and for the 
International Criminal Court to withdraw arrest warrants for Al-Bashir. Neither 
of these options is palatable for the US, lest it be seen as turning its back 
on the ongoing guerilla war in the Darfur region of Sudan, which has claimed 
nearly 300 thousand lives, according to UN estimates. 

Without a detailed explanation of the US's long-term diplomatic goals, it 
leaves the US's strategy in Sudan open for conjecture.  For the US, it's likely 
not about the oil, as Sudan's reserves are but a drop in the global stockpot. 
Government research does confirm that the North and South regions are very 
distinct culturally, with the North more Arabic and Muslim, and the South 
containing more English-speaking black Africans. So it is logical for the US to 
hope that giving the South complete political autonomy via the upcoming 
referendum would alleviate some grievances that fueled the civil war. 

Perhaps the US additionally supports an independent South because this 
referendum, if approved, would literally cut the country in half, restricting 
the economic resources and political power available to the NCP. That would 
effectively limit Al-Bashir, who's been accused of war crimes, genocide and 
orchestrating heinous atrocities against the Sudanese. Beyond this, a continued 
US engagement in the region would compliment its history of leading 
negotiations and sending aid to the war-torn country. And, as reported by the 
Environment News Service, the UN is now seeking a record $7.4 billion of 
humanitarian aid money from the international community. A large portion of 
this will undoubtedly go to Sudan, so it may be penny-wise for the US to 
solidify Sudanese peace through early and sustained diplomatic engagement, even 
if it costs more initially. 

It is prudent for the US to stay the course with the Sudanese peace process it 
started over a decade ago, though US help in Sudan this time around may be 
rejected. According to the Monitor, one of North Sudan's NCP officers recently 
said of Kerry's peace proposal that, "[It] does not matter. The two sides are 
already engaged in continuous discussions, and the negotiations are proceeding. 
We don't understand what outside proposals have to do with anything."

Perhaps what the US can help with then is persuading North and South Sudan to 
clarify their peace plans and make them transparent to the international 
community. Not only would this encourage the support of foreign countries 
during the tedious peace process, but it might also assure investors and 
bolster economic growth in the North and the South. Until the proposed peace 
framework is thoroughly outlined, it is impossible to know what type of 
transition the North and South envision for the post-referendum stage in 
January, and therefore impossible for the international community-or the US-to 
respond timely or appropriately. 

Lauren Williamson - A London-based freelance journalist.













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