http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2011/1049/op1.htm

26 May - 1 June 2001
Issue No. 1049
Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875

The inevitable decline of Salafism
All fundamentalists follow the same path of internal development in thought and 
action, leading either to their retreat and irrelevance, or their destruction, 
writes Said Okasha* 

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Undoubtedly many in Egypt and across the world are irritated by intense 
Salafist media, political and popular activities. Different groups and sects of 
Salafis openly express their ideas and convictions and sometimes take action, 
violating the rights of other Egyptians. 

Contrary to what many observers hail as worrisome, I regard that the Salafis' 
openness in expressing and forcing their views limits any potential for the 
spread of their ideas, unlike the Muslim Brothers who are able to manoeuvre by 
hiding their real convictions, which are no different than that of Salafis, 
behind modern rhetoric and terminology.

Salafis are fundamentalists by definition who share similar convictions across 
different societies, regardless of the extent to which a society is hailed as 
"civilised" and regardless of the specific religious affiliations of 
fundamentalists. Fundamentalism preserves and accepts extremists' ideas and 
excludes moderation or deconstructing complicated realties. Indeed, there is a 
unified conceptual methodology to fundamentalism, despite the different 
religious affiliations of specific fundamentalists, which asserts that there is 
one possible absolute truth that explains abstract realities and also paves the 
way for guiding man to avoid the horrors of the day of judgement. This 
methodology leads to three main stages that Salafis and fundamentalists all go 
through.

The first of these stages is described as peaceful and the starting point of 
Salafis' preaching is strengthened by a general lack of theological knowledge 
in society, accordingly preaching becomes the main activity of Salafis or 
fundamentalists at this stage with an objective to broaden the masses of 
followers. The success of this expansionary objective paves the way for the 
second stage where Salafis or fundamentalists justify the lack of expansionary 
potential with convicting the population of failing to comprehend true theology 
and that the devil took over their minds and souls. Also they blame existing 
political regimes for protecting the status quo of society. At this stage, they 
start to isolate themselves gradually from society by either making themselves 
aloof from their surroundings or by migrating to isolated landscapes such as 
forests and deserts, creating an aloof community protected from exposure to 
society amongst which the devil is strongly present. 

Lastly, there is a third stage where Salafis or fundamentalists are fed up with 
their choice of isolation and decide to change the status quo of society, 
explained earlier, by force. This is the stage at which Salafis or 
fundamentalists are most active. It is a prime stage where they confront the 
ruling regime or society itself. Nevertheless, such confrontations are 
characterised by naivety and by the overuse of force and violence and also by a 
lack of specific goals and objectives. The violence that these groups employ is 
to achieve a basic objective and assumption of theirs, which is that 
stratifying society according to religious beliefs and/or ethnicities in a 
violent framework against each other will lead to the victory of the pure 
elements in society -- ie, Salafis or fundamentalists. Usually these groups 
undertake criminal acts that aim to trigger civil war, which puts these groups 
under the jurisprudence of criminal law and not emergency law, given that the 
latter is only in place to fight political and not criminal elements in 
authoritarian states. 

Upon the realisation of criminal acts spurring civil war -- as assumed by 
Salafi or fundamentalist groups -- governing authorities bring Salafi 
organisations to trial. Usually trying these groups has a popular base due to 
feelings of insecurity and terror that society has experienced when exposed to 
strange fundamentalist ideas leading to the killing of innocent and unarmed 
civilians, a peaceful religious or ethnic sect, and/or popular public figures. 

At this point, Salafis or fundamentalists are destined to be labelled and 
judged as extremists whose ideas lead armed individuals to commit crimes. They 
are hence hailed as merely criminal groups and not as political activists or 
freedom fighters. Nevertheless, this does not bring Salafi or fundamentalist 
thought and its stages of activity to an end. Salafi or fundamentalist thought 
generally is produced in societies due to a number of factors that may never 
become extinct, such as: the failings of civilisation to contain basic fears of 
isolation that sometimes leads to the adoption of extreme ideologies in search 
of peace of mind. Also, some people's adoption of these ideas comes as a result 
of dire social circumstances, such as poverty, ignorance, marginalisation, and 
oppression that leads to loss of integrity; also it can be due to an individual 
or a community's feeling of incompetence in confronting worldly constraints. 

Therefore, Salafism or fundamentalism, generally, is a social-human phenomenon 
that will continue to exist, renewing itself generation after generation, in 
any society. Nevertheless, the dangers of these fundamentalist trends are 
limited because its capacity to crystallise a coherent ideology and a line of 
organised political action is limited, and moreover no fundamentalist group has 
been able to reach to government or power in any society in contemporary 
history except in one country, which is Afghanistan in the 1990s. What resulted 
from the Taliban being in power in impoverished Afghanistan was a harsh 
confrontation with the United States after the events of 9/11. This 
confrontation led to the ouster of the Taliban, the occupation of Afghanistan, 
and the death of Al-Qaeda's leader who cooperated with Taliban, Osama Bin 
Laden. These results indicates that Salafism or fundamentalism is degrading and 
limiting itself gradually, at least in its violent capacity and potential in 
the foreseeable future. In Egypt, the situation witnessed a wider space for 
criminal acts on the part of Salafis since the 25 January Revolution. As a 
result, a wide popular force has formed demanding that Salafis be held 
accountable and punished in accordance to law. This makes possible that the 
fundamentalist movement in Egypt regresses to the first and second stages of 
fundamentalist activity -- explained above -- shortly.

However, there remains a threat of Salafis resorting to making an alliance with 
the Muslim Brotherhood, especially since the political scene in Egypt remains 
complicated at the moment. This alliance would act to protect Salafis from 
fierce popular opposition to their actions, moreover it would guarantee that 
Salafis gain some benefits in case that the Muslim Brotherhood wins a 
significant proportion of seats in the upcoming parliamentary elections. 
Nevertheless, this danger might not be probable for two reasons. The first is 
that most of the existing Salafist movements are originally made up of those 
who split from the Muslim Brotherhood in the 1970s due to significant 
ideological differences between the two groups; hence many disagreements would 
surface shortly upon the creation of any alliance. Second, it is not 
necessarily probable that the Muslim Brotherhood gains a majority of 
parliamentary seats. Moreover, if in fact the Muslim Brotherhood won the 
majority of parliamentary seats, it does not mean that it is the sole political 
entity in power, especially since the political system in Egypt is going to be 
more complicated from now, to integrate many political entities distributing 
overlapping powers between the army, parliament and the president. 

Generally, there are three case studies from different societies to analyse 
when it comes to confirming that Salafis or fundamentalists are destined to 
commit criminal atrocities that are not necessarily strategically hazardous.

The first case study relates to the United States in 1969 when the Manson 
Family, led by Charles Manson, committed murders and crimes pertaining to an 
apocalyptic race war of a "Purifying Nature", as claimed by Manson. When there 
was no popular support for his claims, he plotted the murder of American 
actress Sharon Tate under the naive presumption that killing a "white" person 
will actually make people think that "black" individuals murdered her and hence 
spark a civil war between whites and blacks that will eventually lead to the 
destruction of society, leaving the mission of rebuilding a new society in 
accordance to God's preferences as defined by the Manson Family. No civil war 
erupted and the Manson Family and Charles Manson were tried, with Charles 
Manson sentenced to death, though the sentence was commuted. 

A second case study relates to the Egyptian political scene in the 1970s when a 
group entitled "Atonement and Holy Immigration" (or Al-Takfeer wal-Hijra ), led 
by Shokri Mustafa, emerged. This group espoused rhetoric similar to Charles 
Manson's. Mustafa called on Muslims to trace the pure Muslim ancestors' 
teachings (or Al-Salaf Al-Saleh ) -- a programme similar to that of Manson's 
"Purifying Nature." He also claimed to be the Awaited for Righteous Man (or 
Al-Mahdi ), which is similar to Manson's claim to divinity. At a later stage, 
Mustafa called on his followers to immigrate from infidel societies. His ideas 
were not popular or widely accepted. Therefore, Mustafa's rhetoric entered 
stage three of the development of fundamentalist thought and action 
aforementioned, which pertains to committing criminal acts. His group murdered 
Sheikh Al-Thahabi who was the Egyptian minister of endowments at the time in 
June 1976. The presumption was that this incident would trigger a war between 
the ruling regime and Islamists who cooperated with this regime (ie, the Muslim 
Brotherhood). He thought that this war would cripple society. Nevertheless, no 
such war took place and Mustafa was captured and sentenced to death.

The third case study relates to Japan in the late 1980s when the religious 
cult/movement entitled "Aum shinri kyo" -- who claimed to be of "Supreme Truth" 
-- committed notorious crimes in Japan. The leader of this cult/movement was 
Shoko Ashara who claimed to be the only enlightened master in Japan, calling 
himself the "Lamb of God" and claiming that he was the Hindu Goddess Shiva 
incarnate. He promised to lead his followers to salvation. At first, he 
attempted to integrate his cult/movement peacefully in society by running for 
parliamentary elections in 1990. However, the attempt was a significant failure 
and hence the cult resorted to the third stage of fundamentalist development, 
inflicted several terrorist attacks of which the most infamous was the Sarin 
gas attack on the Tokyo subway in 1995 which killed and injured hundreds of 
people. Shoko was arrested and sentenced to death in 2004. 

These three case studies highlight the stages through which fundamentalist 
groups develop a framework of action and thought. Across the three cases, the 
mechanism is identical, despite religious and sociological differences, and the 
cultural specify of the societies corresponding to the three examples. 
Therefore, one deduction is that the probability of similar groups reaching 
power, in developed or developing countries, is limited. Another deduction is 
that the criminal atrocities inflicted by Salafis in Egypt lately, with the 
most recent criminal act being the brutal events in Cairo's Imbaba district, is 
going to result in a decline in their popularity, even amongst the poor classes 
of Egyptians. This gives Salafis one of two options: first, to regress to 
stages one and two and stick to peaceful preaching rather than developing a 
political rhetoric; second, to continue committing more crimes that will 
eventually push them towards oblivion, especially after their leaders are 
convicted and punished for their criminal acts.

* The writer is associate researcher at Al-Ahram Centre for Political and 
Strategic Studies. 


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