http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2011/09/07/a-state-embarrassed.html

A state embarrassed
Aboeprijadi Santoso, Amsterdam | Wed, 09/07/2011 7:00 AM 

Seven years after Munir Said Thalib was found dead on a Garuda flight on Sept. 
7, 2004, the state has ridiculed and embarrassed itself by treating his case as 
mystery — his death, the motives, the conspiracy and other aspects of the 
tragedy. 

A leading figure at the State Intelligence Agency (BIN), former elite Army 
Kopassus unit commander Maj. Gen. (ret.) Muchdi Purwoprandjono, was among the 
key suspects in Munir’s poisoning, but two years ago he was acquitted by a 
Jakarta court. 

Fundamentally, formal justice is one thing, but in the public sense it is 
another. Seven years on, the gap between the legal process and public anger 
about what is perceived as justice in Munir’s case has only grown bigger. 

Even the President, who declared the investigation into Munir death “a test 
case of history”, seems to have lost the spirit to revive his promise. Years 
have passed, but he has yet to officially publish the investigation report he 
commissioned. 

At this stage, a few key aspects need to be considered. 

On Sept. 7, 2004, just hours after Munir left Singapore’s Changi airport for 
Amsterdam the night of Sept. 6, convicted off-duty Garuda pilot Pollycarpus 
Budihari Priyanto, upon returning from Singapore, called Muchdi’s assistant, 
Budi Santoso, and told him, “Pak, I have got the big fish!” When asked if he 
had reported it to Muchdi, Pollycarpus replied positively, as quoted by 
prosecutor Cyrus Sinaga at Muchdi’s trial Aug. 20, 2008. 

Earlier at the airport, an eyewitness later testified that Pollycarpus brought 
a drink to Munir — his “Big Fish”. The court assumed that that was the locus 
delicti where the poisoning took place. Strangely though, Budi Santoso was not 
present to testify in the Muchdi trial, and a second possible eyewitness from 
Changi who might have been questioned was not even mentioned. 

Next, no less than 41 phone calls have been detected between Pollycarpus and a 
mobile phone owned by Muchdi. 

However, neither Pollycarpus’ call to Budi Santoso nor those to Muchdi were 
brought as evidence at the Muchdi trial. Muchdi’s argument (“My mobile could be 
used by anyone.”) was accepted without further questioning. 

Even more strangely, the recordings of the 41 calls that were deciphered by a 
Seattle lab (the existence of which had earlier been confirmed by both the 
Attorney General’s Office and the then National Police detective chief Comr. 
Gen. Bambang Hendarso Danuri) have reportedly vanished. 

The police investigation also seems insufficient regarding what might have 
occurred during Garuda’s last leg from Singapore to Amsterdam. 

Medical experts were astonished by the amount of arsenic found — not only in 
Munir’s body, but on his clothing, seat, the carpet and toilet. So much, that 
is, that another attempt — in addition to the one at Changi — to poison Munir 
seemed likely. Indeed, it’s the standard practice of any state intelligence 
agency to have a “Plan B” to ascertain the result of “Plan A”, or to escape if 
it fails. 

These are a few hard facts among many. Moreover, there are questions concerning 
the death, if it is a mystery, of a number of people who ought to know more 
about Munir’s demise. 

Some justice officials involved in trials related to Munir’s case have been 
implicated in mafia-like practices. If the legal, judicial processes and police 
investigations are unsatisfactory, the executive and legislative institutions, 
too, seem to have done little. 

For example, has the President, being the so-called “single user” of the BIN, 
seriously called for the BIN’s responsibility and probed its then chief Gen. 
(ret.) A.M. Hendropriyono? Did he ask then National Police chief Gen. Sutanto 
to explain the latter’s statement that the BIN was not involved in Munir’s 
death? 

Likewise, what has the President’s Foreign Ministry done to get Budi Santoso — 
posted at an RI embassy in Islamabad and later in Kabul — to testify at 
Muchdi’s trial? Has Kopassus probed one of its members who apparently had 
knowledge of instructions to kill Munir? 

Finally, has any legislator or political party ever seriously called BIN 
staffers and pushed the government to review and help solve the Munir case? 

Former legislator Suripto, himself a former intelligence officer, has, on the 
basis of “a professional intelligence source” claimed that “action” against 
Munir was discussed at a BIN meeting, “possibly in August of 2004”, which was 
led by Hendropriyono and attended by five staff members. (Radio Netherlands, 
June 24, 2008) 

The plan, Suripto said, was assigned to BIN Deputy 2 (Manunggal Maladi, now 
deceased) and the implementation was Deputy 5’s (Muchdi) responsibility. No BIN 
staffer was ready to respond. 

Munir, the human rights defender, was but one individual. But his death and the 
mystery surrounding his assassination may have a symbolic implication for the 
nation. 

Unlike the Great Tragedy of 1965-1966, Munir’s case was a single instance of 
state violence against a rights activist. But like the mass killings of 
civilians in the 1960s, which have become a national trauma, it will be 
remembered plain and simple as state terrorism. 

State killing like this — ironically Munir was born in that fatal year of 1965 
— would have been inconceivable without the rise and legacy of Soeharto’s 
militarized New Order. 

Given the contradiction between the state’s judicial regime and the public 
perception of justice in the Munir case, Munir’s symbolizes state 
embarrassment. For what else can be said of a seemingly simple but unresolved 
case of a criminal act that reveals so much incredible carelessness and 
powerlessness, if not incompetence, of the state 
apparatuses, in addition to political secrecy? 

The writer is a journalist, formerly with Radio Netherlands.


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