My apologies!  I misspelled the name:  It's Brian Z. Tamanaha, On the
Rule of Law:  History, Politics, Theory (Cambridge 2004)) 

-----Original Message-----
From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
[mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] On Behalf Of Marc Stern
Sent: Tuesday, July 26, 2005 12:36 PM
To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: "The Faith Of John Roberts"

What is the name of the book? Barnes and Noble has nothing by Tanhanaha.
Marc Stern

-----Original Message-----
From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
[mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] On Behalf Of Sanford
Levinson
Sent: Tuesday, July 26, 2005 1:26 PM
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]; Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: "The Faith Of John Roberts"

    "Judge Roberts said repeatedly that he would follow the rule of
law," Mr. Shoemaker said.

But, of course, one of the central teachings of the Roman Catholic
Church, going back to St. Augustine is that that which is truly immoral
or unjust is not law at all.  The "rule of law" is a fatally ambiguous
concept unless one identifies oneself as a strict positivist--the law is
whatever a sovereign commands and morality is entirely and utterly
irrelevant--or a natural law adherent, where immoral laws are simply not
law at all.  (Recall, e.g., King's Letter from the Birmingham Jail.)
Again, I would recommend Brian Tahanaha's very good (and short) book on
the subject.  I also note, for what it is worth, that Scalia, who was
forced, like all Catholic nominees, to declare that his primary loyalty
as a judge was to the US Constitution, himself regularly invokes
"morality" as one of the reasons he believes affirmative action to be
unconstitutional.  Now perhaps he's simply making a version of Philip
Bobbitt's "ethical" argument, so that by "immoral," Scalia simply means
(contrary to any known fact about the American ethos), that "we" have
traditionally not taken race into account in making political judgments;
I think the more plausible account is that he deeply believes that it
violates natural justice to take race into account, a far more tenable
view, even if one ultimately rejects it. 

And, as suggested in Stuart Buck's post, remains mysterious to me why
anyone who truly believes that there is a divine sovereign who issues
ascertainable commands and/or makes it possible for us to discern what
morality and justice mean would easily subordinate that understanding to
"the rule of men (and women)" instantiated in popular sovereignty.  As
Carl Schmitt argued (and Kurt Godel recognized), popular sovereignty is
just another name for triumph of the will, though the number of relevant
wills is, presumably, at least that of a majority.  This is why he
believed that a constitution that "takes rights seriously" must entrench
them against even the possibility of amendment, advice followed in the
post-War German Constitution and the Constitution of India.  It will be
interesting to see what the Iraqis decide about entrenchment and
amendment.

So tell me, is it legitimate for a US Senator, upon hearing Judge
Roberts commit himself, as he most certainly will, to being a faithful
servant of the law, to ask him what he thinks of St. Augustine's and
Thomas Aquinas's view of law.  Perhaps Roberts has read Robert George's
supple and nuanced book Making Men Moral, which endorses a "pragmatic"
reading of Aquinas.  Is it fair to ask Roberts about that?  Or are all
questions that relate to Catholic theology and jurisprudence off the
table?  As I've suggested earlier, would we be equally hostile to
asking, say, Frank Michelman about his views of Rawls and Habermas with
regard to the way that a judge should comport him/herself or Cass
Sunstein about the relevance of Kahnmen and Twersky (or any other
behavioral economists) to a judge construing statutes.  

The question remains whether it is remotely possible to have a serious
public discussion (i.e., in Congress and the press, not on our listserv)
in the United States about theology and politics.  I am not optimistic.

sandy
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