With respect, I am not sure that characterizing the relation as akin to
that of employer and employee tells us how to decide the question.  I
cannot imagine that there is a strong governmental interest in the
gender of clergypersons.  Any expression or statement of such an
interest clearly results in meddling by the state, not to mention taking
sides in a contentious dispute that has deeply upset many Christians, at
least.

A secular category, like employment, cannot do justice to the
"employment" (solely for the sake of discussion) of clergy.

Consider, for example, the mess that the Court made of things in Jones
v. Wolf.  Thanks to "neutral principles, hierarchical religious
institutions, institutions that have been such for 2000 years are
magically converted into congregationalist institutions for purposes of
working out or resolving church property disputes.  Jones tramples on
both Religion Clauses largely because of the totally inapt notion that
religious or church property disputes are essentially property disputes,
not religious disputes.

We should be loath to replicate the categorical error of Jones v. Wolf.


One final point: it is by no means clear that the relation between a
religious institution and its clergy is as simple as the typical
employment relation would suggest.  This is, of course, true because the
relation is also a RELIGIOUS relation.  That is, the sum and substance
of the problem. 

  
-----Original Message-----
From: Andrew Wyatt [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] 
Sent: Wednesday, March 08, 2006 6:26 PM
To: 'Law & Religion issues for Law Academics'
Subject: RE:
StateRFRAandnonreligiousgroupsthathaveconscientiousobjectionstoantidiscr
iminationlaws

I'm not denying the special nature of the clergy-laity relationship, in
fact or in law.  I'm simply trying to answer your question: Why might a
government properly deny benefits in some instances of
religiously-motivated discrimination (e.g. withholding funding from
churches that discriminate against women in the hiring of clergy) but
not in others (e.g. denying unemployment benefits to a man who refuses
to marry Jewish women)?

Bearing in mind that IANAL, it seems that courts have recognized a
strong government interest where workplace discrimination in concerned.
However, those interests may not be as strong in other forums, even if
state instruments--say, civil marriage--are involved.  If an individual
refuses to enter into a civil marriage for discriminatory reasons, there
may be a societal harm from that decision.  But there seems to be some
recognition that the societal harm from an employer refusing to hire
someone for discriminatory reasons is far greater, sufficient perhaps to
warrant government action of some kind.  There may be broad economic
ripples emanating from the latter sort of discrimination, as Eugene
noted.  To my eye, the power that employers have over their employees
seems qualitatively different than the co-equal character of the spousal
relationship. 

Andrew Wyatt

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