Thanks for the link, Eric. This is an extraordinarily important issue that
I've been writing about a lot lately and your organization's work has been
excellent on it.

Ed

-----Original Message-----
From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
[mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] On Behalf Of Eric Rassbach
Sent: Wednesday, July 30, 2008 2:28 PM
To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Defamation of Religion

I thought the list would be interested in the following article from
Maclean's magazine, which describes a worrying trend in international human
rights law: the increasingly accepted norm against "defamation of religion."
The article describes the problem in greater detail, but the short version
is that several countries with stringent anti-blasphemy laws are seeking to
make it a violation of international human rights norms to publish
statements considered insulting to a religion (e.g. the Danish cartoons).

In response to this trend, Rep. Steve Cohen has proposed legislation (HR
6146) that would prohibit recognition and enforcement of foreign defamation
judgments that violate American First Amendment norms, including judgments
based on blasphemy laws.  The Becket Fund has already urged both
presidential candidates to support Cohen's legislation.  We've also
published an issues brief on defamation of religion which you can find here:

http://www.becketfund.org/files/a9e5b.pdf

Eric


Stifling free speech - globally

A coalition of Islamic states is using the United Nations to enact
international 'anti-defamation' rules

LUIZA CH. SAVAGE | July 23, 2008 |

Asma Fatima, a petite, bespectacled Pakistani diplomat in Washington, sat at
the front of a crowded Capitol Hill hearing room on July 18, carefully
considering whether a man seated a few places to her left on the panel
should be jailed. The occasion was a panel discussion convened by a group of
congressmen to educate their colleagues on the issue of religious freedom,
and the man was Canadian Ezra Levant, who in February 2006 republished
Danish cartoons of the Prophet Muhammad in his now-defunct magazine the
Western Standard, which resulted in, among other things, two complaints of
"discrimination" before the Alberta human rights commission. One complaint
was withdrawn, but the other continues. If it is upheld, Levant could face a
large fine, a lifetime order not to talk about "radical Islam"
disparagingly, and be forced to issue an apology. If Levant does not comply
with these orders, he could be imprisoned for contempt of court.

Fatima tried to find the right words to explain the depth of the emotions at
stake. "The cartoon issue really, really hurt Muslims around the world," she
told an audience that included congressional staffers as well as officials
from the departments of State, Justice, and the media, and various human
rights advocates, including a pair of Buddhist monks in bright robes. "There
are certain things that should not be said." Ultimately, though, Fatima
concluded that a journalist should be, as she put it "off the hook." Her
government has not been so generous.

Pakistan and the other nations that have banded together in the Organization
of the Islamic Conference have been leading a remarkably successful campaign
through the United Nations to enshrine in international law prohibitions
against "defamation of religions," particularly Islam. Their aim is to
empower governments around the world to punish anyone who commits the
"heinous act" of defaming Islam. Critics say it is an attempt to globalize
laws against blasphemy that exist in some Muslim countries - and that the
movement has already succeeded in suppressing open discussion in
international forums of issues such as female genital mutilation, honour
killings and gay rights.

The campaign gives a new global context in which to view Levant's ordeal and
other recent attempts to censor or punish Canadian commentators, publishers
and cartoonists. Human rights cases were brought against this magazine for
the October 2006 publication of an excerpt of a book by Mark Steyn that, the
complainants alleged, "subjected Canadian Muslims to hatred and contempt."
David Harris, a former chief of strategic planning for the Canadian Security
Intelligence Service, was sued for remarks he made on the Ottawa radio
station CFRA linking a Canadian Islamic group to a controversial American
organization. And in May, a Nova Scotia Islamic group filed complaints with
Halifax police and the province's human rights commission against the
Halifax Chronicle-Herald for a cartoon it considered a hate crime.

Pakistan brought the first "defamation of religions" resolution to the UN
Human Rights Council in 1999 - before the attacks of 9/11 and a resulting
"backlash" against Muslims. That first resolution was entitled "Defamation
of Islam." That title was later changed to include all religions, although
the texts of all subsequent resolutions have continued to single out Islam.
The resolutions have passed the UN Human Rights Council every year since the
first was introduced. In 2005, the delegate from Yemen introduced a similar
resolution to the UN General Assembly, and it passed, as it has every year
since, with landslide votes. In March, the Islamic nations were successful
in introducing a change to the mandate of the UN's special rapporteur on
freedom of expression - an official who travels the world investigating and
reporting on censorship and violations of free speech - to now "report on
instances where the abuse of the right of freedom of expression constitutes
an act of racial or religious discrimination." The issue is expected to be a
focal point of the UN World Conference Against Racism next year in Geneva (a
gathering Canada plans to boycott after the 2001 meeting in Durban devolved
into acrimonious exchanges over Israel).

The trend has rights advocates worried for numerous reasons, beginning with
the language used. If the notion of "defaming" a religion sounds a little
unfamiliar, that's because it is a major departure from the traditional
understanding of what defamation means. Defamation laws traditionally
protect individual people from being materially harmed by the dissemination
of falsehoods. But "defamation of religions" is not about protecting
individual believers from damage to their reputations caused by false
statements - but rather about protecting a religion, or some interpretation
of it, or the feelings of the followers. While a traditional defence in a
defamation lawsuit is that the accused was merely telling the truth,
religions by definition present competing claims on the truth, and one
person's religious truth is easily another's apostasy. "Truth" is no defence
in such cases. The subjective perception of insult is what matters, and what
puts the whole approach on a collision course with the human rights regime -
especially in countries with an official state religion.

"Islamophobia is a problem. But this is not a practical solution, and it
destabilizes the human rights agenda," said Angela Wu, international law
director for the Becket Fund for Religious Liberty, a public-interest law
firm based in Washington that is dedicated to protecting the free expression
of all religious traditions. And, she further told the congressional
briefing, "The defamation of religions protects ideas rather than
individuals, and makes the state the arbiter of which ideas are true. It
requires the state to sort good and bad ideologies." By doing so, she said,
the approach "violates the very foundations of the human rights tradition by
protecting ideas rather than the individuals who hold ideas."

In a written brief, Wu said that the resolutions seek to mimic the kinds of
anti-blasphemy laws that exist in countries such as Pakistan. The UN
resolutions "operate as international anti-blasphemy laws and provide
international cover for domestic anti-blasphemy laws, which in practice
empower ruling majorities against weak minorities and dissenters," her brief
states. Pakistan's penal code includes a section that states that defiling
Islam or its prophets is deserving of the death penalty; that defiling,
damaging or desecrating the Quran will be punished with life imprisonment;
and insulting another's religious feelings can be punished with 10 years in
prison. A 2006 report from the U.S. State Department on international
religious freedom stated that such anti-blasphemy laws "are often used to
intimidate reform-minded Muslims, sectarian opponents, and religious
minorities, or to settle personal scores." According to Amnesty
International, Younis Masih, a Christian, was sentenced to death in 2007 for
allegedly making derogatory remarks about the Prophet Muhammad. In Egypt, a
professor at Cairo University was declared an "apostate" in 1995 for
teaching his students to read parts of the Quran metaphorically, and was
ordered to divorce his Muslim wife.

The congressional briefing also heard from Ziya Meral, a Turkish researcher
and journalist who recently published a report on apostasy laws in the
Middle East, documenting in horrific details the tortures, killings, and
persecution not only of Christians and Jews, but of Muslims in some
countries who dared question the state-endorsed views of Islam. "This has
tremendous implications for millions of people around the world," Meral said
at the briefing. Wu noted that the majority of victims of anti-blasphemy
laws are Muslims.

A broad interpretation of defamation, Ligabo further wrote, "has more often
than not been used by governments as a means to restrict criticism and
silent [sic] dissent. Furthermore, as regional human rights courts have
already recognized, the right to freedom of expression is applicable not
only to comfortable, inoffensive or politically correct opinions, but also
to ideas that 'offend, shock and disturb.' The constant confrontation of
ideas, even controversial ones, is a stepping stone to vibrant democratic
societies." Ligabo added that limits on hate speech were put into
international agreements in order to prevent war propaganda and incitement
of national, racial or religious hatred. They were "not designed to protect
belief systems from external or internal criticism."

Yet that is exactly what they are already doing. The campaign against
"defamation of religions" can already claim some impact. During a discussion
at the UN Human Rights Council in June, two non-governmental organizations
were scheduled to give a joint three-minute speech describing the widespread
violence against women in Muslim countries, including "honour killings" and
female genital mutilation. In his planned remarks, the NGO speaker wanted to
mention the failure of Islamic religious leaders to clearly condemn the
practices, and linked Islamic law, called sharia, to the stoning of
adulteresses and child marriages. He was repeatedly interrupted by Egypt's
delegate, who, after reading a copy of the full speech, objected. The
delegate said that discussion of sharia "will not happen." Islam, he said,
"will not be crucified in this council." According to a detailed report by
the Reuters news organization, he asked the president of the council, a
Romanian delegate, to bar any debate that included sharia because it would
"amount to spreading of hatred against certain members of this council." The
Romanian suspended the session and told the NGOs not to mention sharia,
according to Reuters. Egypt, backed by Pakistan and Iran, said that
referring to sharia law in the council meant "crucifying" Islamic states.

Louise Arbour, the former Canadian Supreme Court justice who served as the
UN human rights commissioner, accused the countries of imposing "taboos"
over the council. "It is very concerning in a council which should be . . .
the guardian of freedom of expression, to see constraints or taboos, or
subjects that become taboo for discussion," she said at a news conference.
She also noted that the treatment of homosexuals, who are prosecuted as
criminals in a number of Islamic countries and others, is "fundamental" to
the debate on sexual discrimination around the world. "It is difficult for
me to accept that a council that is the guardian of legality prevents the
presentation of serious analysis or discussion on questions of the evolution
of the concept of non-discrimination," Arbour said. Arbour stepped down from
the post in June and was not available to discuss the incident, her
spokeswoman said.

Susan Bunn Livingstone, a former U.S. State Department official who
specialized in human rights issues and also spoke to the July 18
congressional gathering, said the developments at the UN are worrisome.
"They are trying to internationalize the concept of blasphemy," said
Livingstone at the panel. She contrasted "the concept of injuring feelings
versus what is actually happening on the ground - torture, imprisonment,
abuse." And, she added, "They are using this discourse of 'defamation' to
carve out any attention we would bring to a country. Abstractions like
states and ideologies and religions are seen as more important than
individuals. This is a moral failure."

The fact that the resolutions keep passing, and that UN officials now
monitor countries' compliance, could help the concept of "defamation of
religions" become an international legal norm, said Livingstone, noting that
when the International Court of Justice at The Hague decides what rises to
the level of an "international customary law," it looks not to unanimity
among countries but to "general adherence." "That's why these UN resolutions
are so troubling," she said. "They've been passed for 10 years."

The anti-defamation campaign is itself part of a larger agenda to reshape
the understanding of human rights being advanced by the Organization of the
Islamic Conference, a group of more than 50 states promoting Muslim
solidarity and co-operation in economic, social, and political affairs. The
organization was founded and is largely funded by Saudi Arabia, a monarchy
ruled under strict religious laws, where women, religious minorities and gay
people are subject to various forms of discrimination and human rights
abuses.

In March, the group held a summit in Dakar, Senegal. Their final communiqué
ran 52 pages and included a comprehensive strategy on human rights that
featured a plan to shield Islamic states from being pressured to change
their more contentious practices through international human rights laws and
organizations. The conference expressed "deep concern over attempts to
exploit the issue of human rights to discredit the principles and provisions
of Islamic sharia and to interfere in the affairs of Muslim states." It also
called for "abstaining from using the universality of human rights as a
pretext to interfere in the internal affairs of states and undermining their
national sovereignty." The states also resolved to coordinate and co-operate
"in the field of human rights particularly in the relevant international
fora to face any attempt to use human rights as a means of political
pressure on any member state."

They also called for a binding international covenant to protect religions
from defamation. The organization "stressed the need to prevent the abuse of
freedom of expression and the press for insulting Islam and other divine
religions, calling upon member states to take all appropriate measures to
consider all acts, whatever they may be, which defame Islam, as heinous acts
that require punishment." The conference also expressed its strong support
for an initiative spearheaded by the king of Morocco that calls for
developing an international charter that defines "appropriate standards and
rules" for exercising the right of freedom of expression and opinion, and
"the obligation to respect religions [sic] symbols and sanctities as well as
spiritual values and beliefs." The states are working on an entire Islamic
human rights charter.

Yet if the goal is to protect Muslims from discrimination or denunciation,
the legal tools already exist. The UN International Covenant on Civil and
Political Rights protects against religious discrimination. It ensures the
right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion. It also protects
against advocacy of religious hatred that constitutes incitement to
discrimination, hostility or violence.

Meanwhile, the campaign by the Muslim states presses on. The latest Human
Rights Council resolution introduced by Pakistan in March notes with deep
concern, among other things, "the increasing trend in recent years of
statements attacking religions, Islam and Muslims in particular, in human
rights forums." It calls on states to "take actions to prohibit the
dissemination" of "ideas and material aimed at any religion or its followers
that constitute incitement to racial and religious hatred, hostility or
violence." It also states that freedom of expression is subject to
limitations, including those necessary for "national security or of public
order, or of public health or morals."

Fatima, the Pakistani diplomat, advised journalists to "just avoid hurting
religious sentiment." But whose religious sentiment? Those who follow
traditions of Islam that forbid the depiction of Muhammad, or those who
don't? Should only cartoons of the prophet be the basis for legal
complaints, or also, for example, the depiction of the Prophet on the frieze
inside the U.S. Supreme Court, alongside other historical lawgivers?
According to the Becket Fund brief to the congressional task force, "Under
the standards promoted by the 'defamation of religion' resolutions, when a
Muslim states his belief that Jesus was a prophet, but not God incarnate,
such statements could also be considered 'defamation' against the Christian
faith of many believers."

The religious defamation laws urged by the resolutions rely on subjective
emotional reactions and are therefore easy to abuse. "We don't want a
jurisprudence of hurt feelings," said Wu. Levant calls the anti-defamation
campaign a "soft jihad" - an attempt to advance Islamic law around the
world, not through violence but through Western legal channels. "If an army
came to our shores saying give up equal rights for women and your freedom of
speech, we would defend ourselves," Levant told Maclean's after the
briefing. "But when lawyers and lobbyists come, we are confused."



Eric Rassbach
National Litigation Director
The Becket Fund for Religious Liberty
1350 Connecticut Avenue NW
Suite 605
Washington, DC 20036
USA
+1.202.349.7214 (tel.)
+1.202.955.0090 (fax)
www.becketfund.org

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