Ellis, you are right that I didn't respond directly to your question of
what "secular" means.  And, I agree that "religious entities and persons
should get everything that non-religious entities and persons do" is too
broad a brush to explain what the issue is here.   
 
I guess my answer sort of implied some combination of an ontological
plus ethical definition---i.e., in this world, the way we live our lives
each day in the real world, seeing and (ethically) respecting how we are
different from each other.  If I (individually or as a government
surrogate) see that you are different because you are religious
(claiming to be or acting religious:), I think that is a secular
judgment, as it does not require a theological or religious belief or
argument to come to the conclusion that you're different--it is an
observation that everyone can make regardless of his or her religious
belief or lack thereof.   If I change my behavior because of this
difference I see in you, because I think you are entitled to human
dignity and part of recognizing your human dignity is respecting your
difference in how I treat you, I think that is a "secular" moral
decision if by secular we mean anyone holding any belief can come to
that conclusion if he accepts the starting premise. (Of course, as we
know, there is a debate about whether that premise is necessarily
religious.)  If as a result of my behavioral change,  your daily
material life is made less onerous, it seems to me that effect does not
depend on religious tradition or thinking and therefore is secular in
the sense I am using it.  I
 
I guess this points out that "secular" or "religious" can also be a
"code" for asking what the purposes of the Free Exercise and
Establishment Clauses are, and whether these purposes have been achieved
by a governmental rule or act, which seems to be what you are asking. 
But, it seems to me more direct and careful to ask the question whether
the purpose of the Clauses has been achieved by a government act rather
than to ask if a purpose or effect IS secular or religious.  (And there
I stop, too many books on that.. . ) 
 
Though I am sympathetic to your cause of focusing on conscience rather
than specific religious traditions here, I don't think that
automatically solves the problem of what "secular" means if we are
looking at purposes of the Clauses.  It simply widens the circle of
those who are being accommodated to include more "traditions" than the
usual suspects including traditions that are usually lumped together as
"secular humanism", while excluding others who would not plausibly
describe their request for an exemption as "conscience-driven" or based
on a particular philosophical or moral tradition.   Is an accommodation
then "secular" because it includes more or even most traditions of
thinking about moral problems, not just the ones that are usually
labeled as religious?  If secular means "showing respect for difference"
as I have suggested, then maybe yes.  If it's meant to mean, "this
exemption applies to everybody no matter why they want an exemption,"
then maybe no.
 
Then there is the complication of religions like mine that believe that
the law of God is written on the hearts of all persons, and that's where
decisions of "conscience" come from, even from so-called non-believers. 
If we broaden the circle of the exempted to include all who act out of
conscience but not anybody else, have we just accepted a theological
(natural law) view and therefore violated the "secular" requirement?  
Or have we observed in the material world that people seem to have
consciences, normatively decided that's a good thing to have in our
society, and therefore decided to "incentivize" them to exercise their
consciences regularly, a "secular" reason?  
 
Time to stop before I get completely confused:)  
 
   

 
Marie A. Failinger

Professor of Law
Editor, Journal of Law and Religion
Hamline University School of Law
1536 Hewitt Avenue
Saint Paul, MN 55104 U.S.A.
651-523-2124 (work phone)
651-523-2236 (work fax)
mfailin...@hamline.edu (email)


>>> "West, Ellis" <ew...@richmond.edu> 4/12/2012 4:10 PM >>>

Marie, I certainly have no objections to exemptions in general just as
I have no objections to laws in general from which persons are often
exempted—provided the laws (and exemptions?) are secular in purpose and
effect, which is what is required by the religion clauses, as originally
understood and as interpreted by the Court.  Moreover, in my comment, I
did not state an objection to religion-based exemptions.  I simply asked
how such exemptions could be considered secular in nature.  I do not
think it works to answer that just because all kinds of secular
exemptions are granted, religion-based exemptions should be granted or
else there is discrimination against religion.  According to that logic,
if all kinds of “normal” laws give aid, financial and otherwise, to
specific secular endeavors (business, health care, education, etc.),
then it follows that such aid should be given to specific religions or
religious beliefs/activities, or else the government would be guilty of
discriminating against religion.  But, of course, that kind of
“discrimination against religion” is what the establishment clause
prohibits.  Finally, I would simply add that if the exemptions were
conscience-based, as opposed to religion-based, then there would not be
an issue.  Just as the Court said in dealing with exemptions from the
draft, if the government wants to protect religious consciences, it must
protect secular consciences as well.
 

Ellis M. West
Emeritus Professor of Political Science 
University of Richmond, VA 23173
804-289-8536
ew...@richmond.edu

 

From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Marie A.
Failinger
Sent: Thursday, April 12, 2012 4:22 PM
To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Accommodation

 

Ellis, the government accommodates people all of the time.  By law, it
is required to accommodate certain groups of people--e.g., to build
ramps so that citizens can get into public buildings, to provide waivers
of rules to certain people who get public benefits.   I can't legally
insist that the government build me a ramp, but a disabled person can. 
Is that impermissible?  I think not--the government has seen that some
people have a particular burden in fully functioning as citizens, and
allowed for it.   

 

In practice, the government accommodates a lot more people.  Every time
a cop stops you and decides not to give you a ticket for speeding,
he/she is essentially accommodating you---he/she is not applying a law
that he should, because of some circumstance he/she has discovered about
you that is distinctive (you're rushing to the hospital, for example.)

 

A permissible accommodation for a group (including a religious group)
is simply a circumstance in which government says, "we have seen that X
number of people or this particular group needs to have us apply our
discretion to do right by them and not disadvantage them because of
their particular characteristic.  So we're going to make a "rule"
accommodating this group, so that each officer looking at their
individual circumstance doesn't have to make the individual decision
whether their distinctive circumstance warrants not applying the law to
them (i.e., not giving them the ticket.)  We think all of these folks
should be treated the same, no matter who the officer is."

 

It kills me to sound like Justice Scalia, but if the government
willingly accommodates all of these folks in all of these circumstances,
but refuses to accommodate some folks when the only reason for their
particular difference/exception is religious, isn't that discrimination
on the basis of religion banned by the Free Exercise Clause?  

 

Now, you might argue that religious accommodations are different
because individuals "choose" to be in those situations where they need
an exception, but surely most religious people don't "choose" their
situation any more than you "chose" to speed in order to get to the
hospital faster.   

 

Finally, don't you think it is a very good thing, ethically, if we have
a government that is willing in lots of circumstances to say, "you as a
person matter to us more than our rule, and we are willing to see you as
a person?"  There will, of course, be a point where the law becomes
incoherent if the government looks at every individual case to see what
the result should be, but where it is not disruptive to the system, why
shouldn't we want the government to see us as persons and not as objects
to which the law needs to be applied.

 

 

Marie A. Failinger

Professor of Law

Editor, Journal of Law and Religion
Hamline University School of Law
1536 Hewitt Avenue
Saint Paul, MN 55104 U.S.A.
651-523-2124 (work phone)
651-523-2236 (work fax)
mfailin...@hamline.edu (email)


>>> "West, Ellis" <ew...@richmond.edu> 4/12/2012 2:34 PM >>>

Although the District Court may be correct in saying that the primary
purpose of the policy is not “to establish the religion of Islam” or to
“promote the practice of Islam,” it does concede that the policy
“makes accommodating a multitude of religious practices and beliefs
easier and more economical.”  Would someone explain to me how that
purpose and/or effect is “secular” in nature?  Even though Prof. Lupu
may be correct in saying that this particular policy is good way of
accommodating religious beliefs/practices, his comment simply assumes
that a policy of accommodating religious beliefs/practices is secular in
nature.  How so?
 
Ellis M. West
Emeritus Professor of Political Science 
University of Richmond, VA 23173
804-289-8536
ew...@richmond.edu
 
From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Ira Lupu
Sent: Wednesday, April 11, 2012 7:32 PM
To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Re: Court upholds prison no-pork policy against Establishment
Clause challenge
 
Is this outcome surprising in any way?  Does anyone on the list believe
that the court got this wrong? (I certainly don't).

 

If Congress overrode HHS and eliminated pregnancy prevention services
from mandatory coverage by employers under the Affordable Care Act,
wouldn't the analysis be just the same (imposition of a uniform policy
to avoid religious conflict, avoid any need to create controversial
exceptions for religious entities, avoid piece-meal litigation, and ease
administration of the overall scheme), even though the impetus for
change derived from a demand by some for religious accommodation?

On Wed, Apr 11, 2012 at 6:48 PM, Volokh, Eugene <vol...@law.ucla.edu>
wrote:

River v. Mohr (N.D. Ohio Apr. 5, 2012),
http://volokh.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/04/RiversvMohr.pdf .  
 
Eugene


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-- 
Ira C. Lupu
F. Elwood & Eleanor Davis Professor of Law
George Washington University Law School
2000 H St., NW 
Washington, DC 20052
(202)994-7053
My SSRN papers are here:
http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/cf_dev/AbsByAuth.cfm?per_id=181272#reg
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