I dunno.  No such allegation in the complaint.

Sent from my iPhone

On Jun 10, 2014, at 2:40 PM, "Scarberry, Mark" <mark.scarbe...@pepperdine.edu> 
wrote:

> But are they the beneficial owners of the shares as beneficiaries of the 
> trust?
> 
> Sent from my iPad
> 
> On Jun 10, 2014, at 11:32 AM, "Marty Lederman" <lederman.ma...@gmail.com> 
> wrote:
> 
>> I didn't say that the Greens are not potentially burden as company directors 
>> -- indeed, that's exactly what I've argued the case is about, rather than 
>> being about corporate free exercise or shareholder rights:
>> 
>> http://balkin.blogspot.com/2014/01/hobby-lobby-part-v-whose-religious.html
>> 
>> 
>> On Tue, Jun 10, 2014 at 2:17 PM, Scarberry, Mark 
>> <mark.scarbe...@pepperdine.edu> wrote:
>>> The "just like wages" characterization is highly contested and, at least if 
>>> pushed to its logical conclusion,  unsustainable. As to the shareholder 
>>> issue, almost everyone these days owns property through trusts; anyone who 
>>> has substantial assets and wants to avoid probate will do so. So it's not 
>>> surprising that the Greens are not personally shareholders but rather 
>>> trustees of the trusts that hold the shares (if I understand the facts 
>>> correctly). Their rights are implicated as beneficial owners and as 
>>> controlling persons, by way of their being trustees of their family trust 
>>> and also officers and directors who personally take actions on behalf of 
>>> the corporation. As for them not being required to provide the coverage 
>>> they object to, because they can just leave their employees out in the 
>>> Obamacare cold, and pay a fine, there is a strong argument that the law 
>>> still creates a substantial burden. I think we've discussed that issue at 
>>> length.
>>> 
>>> Mark
>>> 
>>> Mark S. Scarberry
>>> Pepperdine University School of Law
>>> 
>>> 
>>> Sent from my iPad
>>> 
>>> On Jun 10, 2014, at 10:09 AM, "Marty Lederman" <lederman.ma...@gmail.com> 
>>> wrote:
>>> 
>>>> I agree with Mark's correction that the complaint of the Greens is not 
>>>> that their employees' use of contraceptive burdens their religion.
>>>> 
>>>> But it's also not that they have to "buy insurance that specifically 
>>>> covers the drugs."  For thing, the law doesn't require HL to offer an 
>>>> employee health insurance plan at all.  For another, the Greens aren't 
>>>> shareholders, and therefore aren't "buying" anything.  Hobby Lobby, Inc. 
>>>> --as opposed to the Greens-- is contracting for an insurance plan -- but 
>>>> of course that plan is not made available to their employees gratis; it is 
>>>> a part of their compensation package, provided in exchange for their 
>>>> labor, just like wages.
>>>> 
>>>> The nature of the way in which the Greens are alleged to be required to 
>>>> act in violation of any religious obligations, therefore, is not at all 
>>>> obvious.
>>>> 
>>>> 
>>>> On Tue, Jun 10, 2014 at 12:55 PM, Scarberry, Mark 
>>>> <mark.scarbe...@pepperdine.edu> wrote:
>>>>> Jon,
>>>>> 
>>>>> I think you don't understand, or are ignoring, the point of view of the 
>>>>> Hobby Lobby parties. They don't object to employees buying what the Hobby 
>>>>> Lobby parties consider to be abortifacient drugs. I don't think they 
>>>>> monitor what their employees do with wages or would take any action 
>>>>> against employees who buy or use such drugs. They object to being 
>>>>> required themselves to take an action specifically related to abortion -- 
>>>>> buying insurance that specifically covers the drugs. You might object to 
>>>>> buying a gun for an employee, even though the recipient would be the one 
>>>>> who uses it. You might, if you were a pacifist, object to being drafted 
>>>>> to serve as an army medic or supply clerk, even though you would not be 
>>>>> killing anyone but merely be advancing the army's operations.
>>>>> 
>>>>> I understand that some people object to this characterization, but it 
>>>>> doesn't move the discussion forward to just assume that it isn't the 
>>>>> position taken by the objectors in Hobby Lobby.
>>>>> 
>>>>> Mark
>>>>> 
>>>>> Mark S. Scarberry
>>>>> Pepperdine University School of Law
>>>>> 
>>>>> Sent from my iPad
>>>>> 
>>>>> > On Jun 9, 2014, at 2:35 PM, "mallamud" <malla...@camden.rutgers.edu> 
>>>>> > wrote:
>>>>> >
>>>>> > There is some authority for not preferring religion over non-religion.
>>>>> > I do not think religious people should get exemptions reasons not
>>>>> > connected to the practice of their religion (church services, prayer,
>>>>> > lighting candles, sacrificing chickens etc.) To me many requests sound
>>>>> > like "I think it is wrong for religious reasons" and therefore other
>>>>> > people should not engage in that behavior.  E.g. I will not pay my taxes
>>>>> > because taxes pay for killing people.  No one is asking the owners of
>>>>> > Hobby Lobby to engage in activities that they believe offend their
>>>>> > religion; they are seeking not to pay employees in such a way that
>>>>> > certain contraceptives would be covered.  The decision to use or not use
>>>>> > the contraceptives is the employees'.  One difficulty is that the courts
>>>>> > are loath to inquire into to the closeness of the connection of the
>>>>> > claim to the religious belief.  But without limits exemptions will
>>>>> > become legion.
>>>>> >
>>>>> > Exemptions usually involve some unfairness.  That would be mitigated if
>>>>> > religious exemptions were limited to the actual practice of religion
>>>>> > rather than attempts to impose beliefs on others through refusing to
>>>>> > comply with general laws. Smith is a good example and, as we know, does
>>>>> > not stop you from sacrificing chickens because people in the community
>>>>> > are offended.  Take it outside the church or home and give exemptions to
>>>>> > general laws and that will create problems if the exemptions become wide
>>>>> > enough to make it seem that religious folks have general privileges in
>>>>> > society that secular folks do not.  Cf. Affirmative action.
>>>>> >
>>>>> > I noted previously Scalia's citation (in during oral argument) of the
>>>>> > overwhelming majority extending the VRA as evidence that the law was not
>>>>> > carefully considered. During RFRA's passage and thereafter I focused on
>>>>> > conservatives articulating the issue as one in which the Supreme Court
>>>>> > disrespected religion, and those on the other side of the spectrum
>>>>> > articulated the Smith decision as having disrespected constitutional
>>>>> > rights.  From discussion about Scalia with lawyers and non-lawyers, I
>>>>> > cannot help thinking that a dislike of Scalia contributed to one side's
>>>>> > support of RFRA.
>>>>> >
>>>>> >                                                                    Jon
>>>>> >
>>>>> >
>>>>> >> On 2014-06-09 17:00, Steven Jamar wrote:
>>>>> >> “nones”?
>>>>> >> Huh.  I knew that was a thing, but didn’t really expect to see it
>>>>> >> here.
>>>>> >>
>>>>> >> Steve
>>>>> >>
>>>>> >> On Jun 9, 2014, at 4:49 PM, mallamud <malla...@camden.rutgers.edu>
>>>>> >> wrote:
>>>>> >>
>>>>> >>> I agree with Alan's statement below, stated better than I did.  I
>>>>> >>> would add that we now do/should include the nones within the system.
>>>>> >>>
>>>>> >>>                  Jon
>>>>> >>>
>>>>> >>>> On 2014-06-08 22:36, Alan Brownstein wrote:
>>>>> >>>> If divisive means that people will be upset by a substantive
>>>>> >>>> decision
>>>>> >>>> than Eugene is clearly correct. I have always thought the issue was
>>>>> >>>> whether a decision was one that provoked political divisions along
>>>>> >>>> religious lines in the sense that if government could promote
>>>>> >>>> religion
>>>>> >>>> (or interfere with religion) religious groups would have an
>>>>> >>>> additional
>>>>> >>>> incentive to organize and mobilize as religious groups in order to
>>>>> >>>> make sure that it was their faith that the government promoted and
>>>>> >>>> that it was not their faith that was subject to government
>>>>> >>>> interference. Placing a church-state issue beyond the scope of
>>>>> >>>> political decision-making by subjecting it to constitutional
>>>>> >>>> constraints avoided (or at least mitigated) these kinds of
>>>>> >>>> political/religious divisions.
>>>>> >>>>
>>>>> >>>> There is probably a better term for this concern than divisiveness.
>>>>> >>>>
>>>>> >>>> Alan Brownstein
>>>>> >>>>
>>>>> >>>>
>>>>> >>>>
>>>>> >>>>
>>>>> >>>>
>>>>> >>>>
>>>>> >>>>
>>>>> >>>>
>>>>> >>>>
>>>>> >>>>
>>>>> >>>>
>>>>> >>>>
>>>>> >>>>
>>>>> >>>> ________________________________________
>>>>> >>>> From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu
>>>>> >>>> [religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] on behalf of Volokh, Eugene
>>>>> >>>> [vol...@law.ucla.edu]
>>>>> >>>> Sent: Sunday, June 08, 2014 4:54 PM
>>>>> >>>> To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
>>>>> >>>> Subject: "Divisiveness"
>>>>> >>>>
>>>>> >>>>       I agree very much with Tom on this point.  In most
>>>>> >>>> controversies, both sides are acting in ways that could plausibly
>>>>> >>>> be
>>>>> >>>> labeled as "divisive."  Government religious speech may be seen as
>>>>> >>>> "divisive," because it may alienate members of other religious
>>>>> >>>> groups;
>>>>> >>>> but prohibitions on such speech, or litigation seeking such
>>>>> >>>> prohibition, may be as divisive or more so.  A pro-Hobby-Lobby
>>>>> >>>> decision might be divisive, but an anti-Hobby-Lobby decision might
>>>>> >>>> be
>>>>> >>>> divisive.  Indeed, academic criticism of a pro-Hobby-Lobby decision
>>>>> >>>> (or an anti-Hobby-Lobby decision) might be divisive -- and so was
>>>>> >>>> the
>>>>> >>>> implementation of the mandate without a broad religious exemption,
>>>>> >>>> as
>>>>> >>>> Tom points out.  
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