Let me apologize in advance because I probably will not be able to participate 
in a timely way to further posts in this thread (which is a very interesting 
thread). But let me question Eugene's suggestion that just as sufficiently 
cabined rules for parade permits prevent viewpoint discrimination similarly 
cabined rules for the distribution of grants to secular and religious 
institutions should prevent undue risk of religious discrimination.


I see several problems with this analogy. First, there are meaningful 
constitutional constrains on content-neutral speech regulations, although they 
are less rigorous than strict scrutiny. Thus, a structured process for awarding 
permits that creates viewpoint discriminatory effects could still be challenged 
as impermissible even though it wasn't facially discriminatory. What 
constitutional checks are there on  facially neutral grant criteria that will 
predictably favor some faiths over others? Take an easy case. A state sets up 
eligibility rules for grants to private schools (through vouchers or direct 
aid) that requires a school to have at least 250 students and to have been in 
existence for 5 years in order to receive funds. Obviously this rule favors 
larger faiths -- it probably excludes a great many minority faiths in many 
communities entirely --  and it favors faiths with existing educational 
infrastructures. What standard of review applies to grant criteria like this? I 
assume rational basis review. A permit system that limited permits exclusively 
to large groups that had been around a long time would be subject to free 
speech challenge.


Second, and a related concern, is the fact that practices and behavior are less 
likely to correlate with speech viewpoints and much more likely to correlate 
with religious belief and affiliation. I think a program that requires schools 
receiving funds for playgrounds to operate the playgrounds on Saturday as well 
as the school week is facially neutral under the Court's religion clause case 
law. Am I wrong about this? I doubt that this would constitute a religious 
gerrymander under Lukumi. I'm not suggesting that there aren't some 
correlations between behavior and practices and viewpoints of speech. I just 
think it is a lot easier to use "neutral" criteria to discriminate on the basis 
of religion.


My third concern does not apply to Eugene who has been clear that he does not 
support constitutionally mandated accommodations to protect religious 
individuals or institutions against neutral laws of general applicability. But 
if you believe, as I do, that the fact that a regulation is a neutral law of 
general applicability provides inadequate assurance that the law does not 
unfairly discriminate against religious groups or unreasonably burden religious 
liberty than I find it hard to understand why you wouldn't be similarly 
concerned about the risk of discrimination when facially "neutral" criteria is 
used to distribute funds to religious individuals and institutions. If anyone 
on the list supports grants to religious schools or other religious 
institutions and also supports mandatory requirements that negate or 
substantially reduce the risk of religious discrimination, I would be very 
interested in reading their post.


Alan Brownstein




________________________________
From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu <religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu> 
on behalf of Volokh, Eugene <vol...@law.ucla.edu>
Sent: Tuesday, June 2, 2015 8:33 AM
To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: 8th Cir. upholds exclusion of religious schools from playground 
safety funds


               1.  In Trinity, the state apparently had a pretty detailed 
application evaluation process for resurfacing grant applications, to the point 
that it could tell Trinity that it had ranked 5th out of 44 applications.  I 
imagine many highly bureaucratized processes with 44 applications, especially 
ones that don't involve difficult judgments of artistic or scientific quality, 
are comparably structured.  In the Free Speech Clause context, sufficiently 
cabined (even if not perfectly mathematical) rules for parade permits and the 
like are seen as sufficient to prevent undue risk of viewpoint discrimination.  
I don't see why sufficiently cabined rules for grant applications wouldn't 
suffice to prevent undue risk of religious discrimination.



               2.  I think that religious institutions should generally be able 
to participate in generally available benefits programs on the same footing as 
secular ones, even if the benefits (e.g., tax exemptions, post-natural-disaster 
rebuilding funds, and so on) can be used for specifically religious aspects of 
the institution; in this respect, I largely agree with the Mitchell plurality.  
But note that, in the playground case, it is extremely unlikely that the safer 
playground surface would itself be used for, say, religious worship; even if 
there is a religious service on the playground, that service will likely not 
involve climbing and jumping, and thus could have just as well been performed 
regardless of the surface.  The safer playground surface simply makes playing 
safer for kids.



               3.  Even in the 1970s, Wolman v. Walter noted that "the 
provision of health services to all schoolchildren public and nonpublic does 
not have the primary effect of aiding religion" and is thus constitutional.  To 
be sure, those could be conceptualized as being given to schoolchildren 
directly, rather than to schools.  But you can't provide safer playground 
surfaces on a schoolchild-by-schoolchild basis - the way you provide this 
health-protection service to schoolchildren (at those schools, public and 
nonpublic, selected through an evaluation process that doesn't discriminate 
based on religion) is by resurfacing the playground at the school.  That 
strikes me as an eminently legitimate thing for the government to do (we're 
talking about the Establishment Clause) and as something that the government 
ought not to be able to discriminate against religious schools in doing (back 
to the Free Exercise Clause and perhaps the 
effect-of-hindering-rather-than-promoting / disapproval-rather-than-endorsement 
prong of the Establishment Clause).



               Eugene


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