I agree with almost all of what Chip writes.  But both he and Eugene are
simply ignoring the services/money distinction on which SOC places so much
weight in her governing Mitchell concurrence.  She goes out of her way to
say that possible diversion to religious activity is but *one *constitutional
problem--a problem that she concludes is overcome in *Mitchell *because of
the precautions there--but that because diversion to religious uses is not
the *only *concern, the constitutional calculus is different when it comes
to aid in the form of direct money grants:  "As the cases Justice Souter
cites demonstrate, our concern with direct monetary aid* is based on more
than just diversion*. In fact, the most important reason for according
special treatment to direct money grants is that this form of aid falls
precariously close to the original object of the Establishment Clause’s
prohibition."

I realize that few people think she's right about that--or even understand
what she is referring to as "the original object of the Establishment
Clause’s prohibition" -- but, for now, anyway, it's not a distinction that
shoould simply be ignored.


On Tue, Jun 2, 2015 at 3:43 PM, Ira Lupu <icl...@law.gwu.edu> wrote:

> I'm not at all convinced that the current law includes any categorical bar
> on aid to houses of worship.  What SCOTUS decision (on its facts) ever
> involves direct grants to houses of worship, for use in worship functions?
>
> In any event, Trinity Church applied for this grant in connection with its
> pre-school, which makes this case much like most of the Court's no-aid
> cases -- it involves a religious school operated by a house of worship.
>
> SOC, in the controlling Mitchell concurrence, frames the rule this way:
> "I would adhere to the rule that we have applied in the context of
> textbook lending programs: To establish a First Amendment violation,
> plaintiffs must prove that the aid in question actually is, or has been,
> used for religious purposes." (530 U.S. at 857).   Note that the Mitchell
> concurrence's rule is completely consistent with a doctrine of no
> discrimination against houses of worship; it is a rule about "use [of
> government aid] . .  for religious purposes."  That rule applies to Trinity
> Lutheran Church, or the Boy Scouts, or a pre-school with predominantly
> secular character. The Bush and Obama Administration rules about direct
> grants from the federal government are precisely in line with this; they
> focus on the activities funded, not the overall character of the grantee.
>
> Mitchell v. Helms involved a grant of equipment, followed by Establishment
> Clause litigation.  But the case we are discussing involves a refusal to
> make a grant, based primarily on state constitutional considerations.  It
> is impossible to say that Missouri was acting unreasonably or
> unconstitutionally in refusing categorically to make this grant.
>
> Viewing the case only through the federal Establishment lens (as might be
> the case in a state with a less restrictive funding rule in its own
> constitution), the government grantors should still ask whether resurfacing
> the playground creates a risk that the aid will be used for religious
> purposes.  At the margin, the character of the applicant may matter.
> Trinity Lutheran Church will use this playground for its pre-school (which
> is on church premises), and maybe for after school religious activities,
> and probably for Sunday school activities.  Perhaps the church or school
> will lead parents and their children in prayer or religious music in the
> playground at one or more of these times.  Any or all of these presents a
> risk that resurfacing will increase the quality, quantity, or duration of
> religious uses.  So any state could quite reasonably conclude that it
> avoids an appreciable risk of a federal Establishment Clause violation by
> denying applications from pre-schools that have a predominantly religious
> character AND are operated by (and on the premises of) houses of worship.
>
> Alternatively, the state could make the grant and bar religious uses of
> the resurfaced playground; monitoring and enforcing that condition presents
> serious entanglement risks.  Perhaps affidavits of compliance (as in
> Mitchell) will do, but would the Church want the grant under such a
> condition? In any event, the state is under no obligation to offer that
> option.  As Locke v. Davey so carefully points out, these kinds of cases
> do not involve speech fora, and the considerations of viewpoint
> discrimination that operate in such circumstances.
>
> On Tue, Jun 2, 2015 at 2:55 PM, Volokh, Eugene <vol...@law.ucla.edu>
> wrote:
>
>>                1. I don’t think that speech/parade permit requirements
>> are limited to “first come, first served.”  *Grayned v. City of Rockford*,
>> for instance, noted that demonstrations or parades could be forbidden if
>> they “put an intolerable burden on the essential flow of traffic”; *Cox
>> v. New Hampshire *contemplates that such factors would be considered as
>> part of the demonstration licensing system, so long as the licenser’s
>> “discretion ... [is] exercised with ‘uniformity of method of treatment upon
>> the facts of each application, free from improper or inappropriate
>> considerations and from unfair discrimination,’” and so long as the
>> licenser uses a "systematic, consistent and just order of treatment, with
>> reference to the convenience of public use of the highways.”  *Thomas v.
>> Chicago Park Dist.* likewise allowed consideration of whether “the
>> intended use would present an unreasonable danger to the health or safety
>> of park users or Park District employees.”
>>
>>
>>
>>                To be sure, it’s possible that, if read too broadly and
>> flexibly, these factors can indeed be applied in a discriminatory way.
>> (Indeed, even the most precisely defined criminal prohibitions could be
>> applied in a discriminatory way, just given the risk of prosecutorial
>> discretion.)  But the Court has been willing to conclude, and I think
>> rightly so, that the factors, if sufficiently well-defined and subject to
>> policing for inconsistent application, the risk of discrimination is not so
>> great that it invalidates the program.
>>
>>
>>
>>                What if the Missouri program?  Fortunately, Missouri posts
>> the evaluation criteria, which you can read at
>> http://dnr.mo.gov/pubs/pub2425.pdf.  The first three basically focus on
>> whether the application has been completely filled out, in sufficient
>> detail.  The remaining factors, with specific point allotments, include (4)
>> the fraction of the scrap tires that would come from Missouri, (4a) whether
>> the project uses “mats/tiles or pour-in-place surface material,” (4b)
>> whether “the described method of containment for the appropriate depth of
>> loose surface material ... is adequate,” (4c) whether the bids specify the
>> fraction of the scrap tires that would come from Missouri, (5) whether the
>> grant, if awarded, would be announced in enough forms of media (if I read
>> this item correctly), presumably because Missouri wants the grants to
>> stimulate more interest in the program, (6) whether enough information is
>> given about how “solid waste management education ... will be incorporated
>> into the school’s curriculum or into informational material to be provided
>> to the public by the grant applicant,” (7) whether the Solid Waste
>> Management Region is involved with the project, (8) whether an adequate
>> scope of work and timeline for the work are given, (9) whether the budget
>> is complete and supported by three or more quotes, (10) how much scrap tire
>> material the applicant would also buy itself, (11) the fraction of the
>> school population and neighboring population below poverty level, and (12)
>> whether there has been another recent grant in the area.
>>
>>
>>
>>                Again, there’s always a risk of some discrimination in the
>> implementation of any program – but here that risk seems quite low, and
>> well below the risk involved in considering, for instance, traffic
>> congestion and traffic hazard questions in parade demonstration schemes.
>>
>>
>>
>>                2.  Even under current law, this strikes me as quite fine
>> under the *Mitchell v. Helms *concurrence, given that the benefit is
>> unlikely to “result in governmental indoctrination” – the playground
>> surface can help kids play more safely, but even in the unlikely event that
>> there would be worship services held in the playground, those worship
>> services are quite unlikely to benefit materially from the resurfacing
>> (given that the worship services are unlikely to involve swinging, sliding,
>> and climbing monkey bars).  To be sure, one difference here is that the
>> school gets a grant that “for the purchase of recycled tires to resurface
>> playgrounds,” rather than just getting a truckload of recycled tires.  But
>> I don’t read the *Mitchell *concurrence as making such targeted grants
>> categorically forbidden, especially given how little sense such a
>> distinction would make here.
>>
>>
>>
>>                Eugene
>>
>>
>>
>> *From:* religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [
>> mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu
>> <religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu>] *On Behalf Of *Marty Lederman
>> *Sent:* Tuesday, June 02, 2015 10:06 AM
>> *To:* Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
>> *Subject:* Re: 8th Cir. upholds exclusion of religious schools from
>> playground safety funds
>>
>>
>>
>> Eugene, I doubt the speech/parade permit cases are analogous:  In most
>> such cases, the "neutral" criterion (other than adhering to the time, place
>> and manner rules) turns out to be, simply, "first come, first served."
>>
>>
>>
>> With grant programs such as these, I suppose it's *possible* that the
>> administrators engage in no assessment of "quality" or "importance" or
>> appropriateness" -- but I doubt it.  Is it really very likely that in a
>> very selective grant program, the state will be just as willing to give
>> playground surfacing grants to, say, the Wiccan church, or the Church of
>> Scientology, or the Nation of Islam, or the Democratic Party Headquarters
>> daycare center, as it does to other playgrounds?  If not, then I think
>> there are serious constitutional questions raised when churches ask to be
>> evaluated along with all other applicants.
>>
>>
>>
>> *Wolman* is not really on point if, as you suggest, that program was one
>> that offered health services (not cash, mind you) to *all* schoolchildren.
>> I agree with you that it *should *be the case that religious entities
>> are, at a minimum, not constitutionally prohibited from enjoying truly
>> universal benefits/entitlements, such as police and fire protection.  And
>> perhaps that should extend to universally available funding, as well (if
>> there is any such thing).
>>
>>
>>
>> But the cases we've been discussing (those in the 6th and 8th Circuits)
>> are not those in which the funding is universally available, and provided
>> to all those who qualify.  Hard choices must be made--and they will be made
>> by state actors.
>>
>>
>>
>> In any event, whatever the law *should *be, I think you'd agree that,
>> for at least several decades, the Supreme Court law *has been* that
>> churches are constitutionally ineligible to receive direct funding, even
>> pursuant to an otherwise universal program, let alone one that is highly
>> selective.  Let's say you are right that that doctrine has been
>> wrongheaded, and that the Court should (and is likely to) overturn it.
>> Even so:
>>
>>
>>
>> 1.  Shouldn't a lower court at least acknowledge the sea change from
>> decades of doctrine, and contend with the hard questions, as Sutton (to his
>> credit) did?
>>
>>
>>
>> 2.  Wouldn't there be something at least a bit odd, and disconcerting,
>> for the Supreme Court to go further, and to say to every state and
>> locality:  "We know that for as long as any of us can remember, this Court
>> has concluded that governments *must not* provide direct funding to
>> churches.  That doctrine was ill-advised and we hereby overturn it.  But
>> wait!:  It is not only the case that the Constitution *permits* such
>> funding . . . turns out we had it exactly backwards all those years:  the
>> Constitution *requires *churches to be funded on a nondiscriminatory
>> basis.
>>
>>
>>
>> The oddity of such an about-face is, I think, one big reason why
>> Rehnquist wrote, and Kennedy joined, the majority opinion in *Locke v.
>> Davey*:  there'd be something very weird, to say the least, about going
>> from long-prohibited to *required *in one fell swoop.  Doesn't mean they
>> can't or shouldn't do so; but it is understandable that they'd be anxious
>> about it.
>>
>>
>>
>> On Tue, Jun 2, 2015 at 11:33 AM, Volokh, Eugene <vol...@law.ucla.edu>
>> wrote:
>>
>>                1.  In *Trinity*, the state apparently had a pretty
>> detailed application evaluation process for resurfacing grant applications,
>> to the point that it could tell Trinity that it had ranked 5th out of 44
>> applications.  I imagine many highly bureaucratized processes with 44
>> applications, especially ones that don’t involve difficult judgments of
>> artistic or scientific quality, are comparably structured.  In the Free
>> Speech Clause context, sufficiently cabined (even if not perfectly
>> mathematical) rules for parade permits and the like are seen as sufficient
>> to prevent undue risk of viewpoint discrimination.  I don’t see why
>> sufficiently cabined rules for grant applications wouldn’t suffice to
>> prevent undue risk of religious discrimination.
>>
>>
>>
>>                2.  I think that religious institutions should generally
>> be able to participate in generally available benefits programs on the same
>> footing as secular ones, even if the benefits (e.g., tax exemptions,
>> post-natural-disaster rebuilding funds, and so on) can be used for
>> specifically religious aspects of the institution; in this respect, I
>> largely agree with the *Mitchell *plurality.  But note that, in the
>> playground case, it is extremely unlikely that the safer playground surface
>> would itself be used for, say, religious worship; even if there is a
>> religious service on the playground, that service will likely not involve
>> climbing and jumping, and thus could have just as well been performed
>> regardless of the surface.  The safer playground surface simply makes
>> playing safer for kids.
>>
>>
>>
>>                3.  Even in the 1970s, *Wolman v. Walter *noted that “the
>> provision of health services to all schoolchildren public and nonpublic
>> does not have the primary effect of aiding religion” and is thus
>> constitutional.  To be sure, those could be conceptualized as being given
>> to schoolchildren directly, rather than to schools.  But you can’t provide
>> safer playground surfaces on a schoolchild-by-schoolchild basis – the way
>> you provide this health-protection service to schoolchildren (at those
>> schools, public and nonpublic, selected through an evaluation process that
>> doesn’t discriminate based on religion) is by resurfacing the playground at
>> the school.  That strikes me as an eminently legitimate thing for the
>> government to do (we’re talking about the Establishment Clause) and as
>> something that the government ought not to be able to discriminate against
>> religious schools in doing (back to the Free Exercise Clause and perhaps
>> the effect-of-hindering-rather-than-promoting /
>> disapproval-rather-than-endorsement prong of the Establishment Clause).
>>
>>
>>
>>                Eugene
>>
>>
>>
>> _______________________________________________
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>
>
>
> --
> Ira C. Lupu
> F. Elwood & Eleanor Davis Professor of Law, Emeritus
> George Washington University Law School
> 2000 H St., NW
> Washington, DC 20052
> (202)994-7053
> Co-author (with Professor Robert Tuttle) of "Secular Government, Religious
> People" ( Wm. B. Eerdmans Pub. Co., 2014))
> My SSRN papers are here:
> http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/cf_dev/AbsByAuth.cfm?per_id=181272#reg
>
> _______________________________________________
> To post, send message to Religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu
> To subscribe, unsubscribe, change options, or get password, see
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>
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