Extrem de pertinenta analiza si obiectiva. As gfi curioasa cum ar fi facut-o un 
jurnalist roman.
  A.D.

Vali Nas <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:
            The Economist
   
  Bulgaria and Romania
The new kids on the block

  Jan 4th 2007 | BUCHAREST AND SOFIA 
>From The Economist print edition
  
The European Union's two newest members, Bulgaria and Romania, are both 
economically and politically backward

  WILL it work again? It is tempting to join the revellers in Bucharest and 
Sofia who seem to believe that European Union membership promises untold 
riches. The eight ex-communist states that joined in 2004 have done pretty 
well. Bulgaria and Romania are already growing strongly; EU money will help.
  Yet the Balkan pair differ from their predecessors. Bulgaria's GDP per head 
in 2005 was only $3,480 and Romania's $4,490—against $9,240 for the eight 
entrants in 2004, and an EU-wide average of $29,330. And they are backward in 
many other ways. Infrastructure and public services are worse than in the rest 
of eastern Europe; corruption is more entrenched, and the political culture 
more fragile. 
  Although united by weak institutions and their poverty, Bulgaria and Romania 
differ in size, history, politics and economic structure. Romania, with some 
22m people, is the second-biggest eastern European country after Poland. 
Bulgaria is just over a third as big. This could be a plus, as small countries' 
elites often work better. But Romania's political class has recently outscored 
Bulgaria's. Big countries also matter more to foreign investors. 
  Both countries are on the edge of the EU, but whereas Bulgarians feel out of 
the mainstream, Romanians do not. They see themselves as a Latin outpost in a 
sea of Slavs. Their language is linked to Italian and French. Bulgarian is a 
Slavic tongue, as close to Russian as Danish is to Swedish. 
  Each has a sizeable ethnic minority from a neighbour. In Romania some 7% of 
the population are ethnic Hungarians. The Hungarian minority's party, the HDUR, 
is a fixture in coalition governments, which has blunted its reforming edge. 
About 9% of Bulgaria's population are ethnic Turks, poorer and less educated 
than their fellow citizens. Their party, led by Ahmed Dogan, is a frequent 
target of complaints by anti-corruption campaigners. Both countries also have 
big Roma (gypsy) populations, often living in abominable conditions, worse than 
under communism. 
  The Balkan pair view Russia differently. Bulgarians thanked Tsarist Russia 
for liberating them from the Ottomans, and many recall communist rule as a time 
of modernisation. To Romanians, Russia is a predator. It took an eastern 
province from them in 1812. Romania regained it in 1918 and lost it again to 
the Soviet Union in 1940-41. This region, plus a strip of land bordering 
Ukraine, is now Moldova.
  Romania, under its president, Traian Basescu, is a bastion of Atlanticism in 
the Black Sea region. Bulgaria is largely passive in foreign policy, though it 
has good relations with Russia. Bulgaria's prime minister, Sergei Stanishev, 
studied in Moscow; past Romanian leaders did so too, but to admit it now would 
spell political doom. Mr Basescu decries communism as criminal, but Bulgarian 
leaders only mumble.
  In politics, Romania is noted for the recurrent conflict between Mr Basescu 
and his prime minister, Calin Popescu Tariceanu. Only the need to get into the 
EU has held Mr Basescu's Democratic Party together in government with Mr 
Tariceanu's National Liberal Party. In Bulgaria the prime minister and 
president come from the same party. But the coalition combines the Socialists 
(ex-communists), quasi-monarchists led by former King Simeon II and Mr Dogan's 
lot. Elections may take place in both countries this year.
  Joining the EU has meant intense pressure to meet Brussels standards, which 
neither country yet does. The biggest worry is lawlessness. In Romania this 
takes the form of corruption; in Bulgaria, of organised crime. Criminal-justice 
systems are weak, and high-level sleaze widespread. Romania has made more 
progress: its non-party justice minister, Monica Macovei, is an effective 
administrator who has shaken up the structure and accountability of the 
judiciary and the prosecutor's office. 
  Bulgaria has moved more slowly. Some politicians still seem untouchable, as 
do some organised-crime groups. A recent OECD study rates Bulgaria higher for 
investment promotion, but Romania higher on anti-corruption and business 
integrity. Some senior Romanian officials and politicians have lost their jobs 
and even their freedom. The investigation of a former prime minister, Adrian 
Nastase, is a contrast to the immunity that Bulgaria's political class still 
enjoys.
  Managers with experience in both countries say that Romanians are more 
individualistic than Bulgarians. “In Romania the problem is getting them to 
work in a team. In Bulgaria the problem is getting them to show any 
initiative,” says one. Higher education is bureaucratic and complacent. 
Infrastructure is dire; transport links between the two countries are awful, 
with just one road bridge across the Danube. A big road programme in Romania is 
bogged down in tendering scandals. Improvements will take EU cash, which may 
add 2% to GDP in 2007-13. It is hard to be confident that it will be well 
spent. 
  The main macroeconomic difference is that Romania's currency floats, whereas 
Bulgaria's is pegged to the euro. Both countries have huge current-account 
deficits: Bulgaria's was some 13.5% of GDP in 2006, Romania's 10.3%. Continuing 
inflation means that euro adoption is at least a decade away. Romania's 
demographic outlook is good by post-communist standards, with only a mild 
population decline that is expected to slow as income levels and health care 
improve. But Bulgaria's is one of the worst in eastern Europe: its population 
will fall below 7m by 2020. 
  Then there is emigration, encouraged by low pay, poor working conditions and 
bad public services. As many as 2m Romanians and 800,000 Bulgarians live 
abroad. Entry into the EU may stimulate emigration, though most existing 
members have slapped on temporary labour-market restrictions. That is partly 
because immigrants from Poland and other countries were more numerous than 
expected. 
  Both countries' borders are leaky. Moldovans can work easily (if not always 
legally) in Romania, as can Macedonians in Bulgaria. Although the two 
governments try to restrict the issue of passports to ethnic kinsfolk in these 
neighbours, they cannot stop them coming.
  Romania has the advantage of size, demography and a newly confident elite 
that wants to put the country on the map of Europe. Bulgaria has a stronger 
industrial base. But given the political chaos that has taken hold in other 
eastern European countries, most of them much richer and stronger than the two 
newcomers, it is clear that the Balkan pair's road to EU prosperity and 
stability will be harder. The only question is how much.
  Copyright © 2007 The Economist Newspaper and The Economist Group
    ----------------------------
   
  Vali
    "Noble blood is an accident of fortune; noble actions are the chief mark of 
greatness." (Carlo Goldoni)

  "When the power of love overcomes the love of power, the world will know 
peace." (Jimi Hendrix)

  

         

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