Dawn
31 December 2004

PAKISTAN'S NUCLEAR STRATEGY

By M.H. Askari

Tuesday's tsunami, off the coast of the Indonesian island of Sumatra, 
which took a toll of a minimum 60,000 lives belonging to several 
countries, and battered thousands of miles of the coastline 
stretching from Indonesia in the east to Tanzania in the west, has 
forced India to shut down its nuclear facility at Kalpakkam, 80 miles 
south of the Tamil Nadu capital of Madras.
While first reports from the area suggested that the shutdown was a 
precautionary measure, it was later stated that the Tsunami may have 
forced water into the Indira Gandhi Energy Centre at the site and 
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh was to chair a meeting to review the 
possible damage.
A private TV news channel also said that 1500 families (a 
substantially large number) living at Kalpakkam, had been evacuated 
to safety. Which suggests that the feared damage to the facility 
could have been substantial but nothing definite could be said 
without a further review by a committee appointed by the prime 
minister. About 2290 scientists work at the facility.
An accident at Kalpakkam could have resulted in an unestimable damage 
to life and property. What is a matter of direct concern to Pakistan 
is the fact that the damage may not have remained confined to the 
nuclear facility.
The damage in the event of accidents at nuclear installations do not 
remain within a confined area and the fallout directly or indirectly 
hits the surrounding region as well.
The ongoing peace talks between India and Pakistan now in their tenth 
month have yet to extend their attention to the risks posed by the 
nuclearization of the subcontinent. Experts are of the view that an 
accident to a nuclear facility situated in the proximity of a city or 
a river could mean enormous damage to human life and property.
The worst recorded accident at a nuclear reactor was at a power plant 
at Chernobyl in the then Soviet Union in 1986 when hundreds of people 
were directly affected by the fallout radiation and at least 135 
people in fact practically everyone within about 30 kilometres of the 
facility - had to be evacuated.
Accidents at nuclear plants and their storage are lethal and their 
potential to cause damage to human habitation can perhaps never be 
accurately known. There is in any case strict secrecy about nuclear 
facilities and nuclear products; this is in the very nature of a 
nuclear programme.
The explosion at a Russian site used for storing nuclear waste in the 
late 1950s was believed "to have killed hundreds of people and 
poisoned thousands of square miles in the countryside".
The potential damage from an accident at Kalpakkam affecting Pakistan 
and other neighbouring countries of India can perhaps not be 
accurately estimated, primarily because India would conceivably never 
make all the information about its facility public. India like 
Pakistan is not a signatory to the non-proliferation treaty (NPT) nor 
does its have a bilateral understanding with Pakistan.
According to what is known, based on published information, the 
Indian nuclear power plant is believed to be similar to the Karachi 
Nuclear Power Plant (KANUPP). The well known Indian writer on nuclear 
problems, Praful Bidwai, has said that the reported "unusual 
occurrences' (with accidents not ruled out but not reported as such) 
in India in 1992-1993 were a frightening 147 - an accident every two 
and a half days.
Bidwai also maintains that 1992-1993 was not an unusual year and that 
"India's 27-year long experience with atomic electricity generation 
is a story off accidents, flagrant violations of safety rules, 
avoidable exposures of workers and public to radiation and toxic 
substances ....."
This has prompted the internationally known Pakistani scientist and 
peace activists, Dr. Zia Mian, one-time research fellow at the 
Sustainable Development Policy Institute, working on peace and 
security, to remark: how many such 'unusual occurrences were there in 
Pakistan last year (1994) or the year before? "only the Pakistan 
Atomic Energy Commission (PAEC) knows and they are not telling".
Dr. Zia Mian may not actually be exaggerating the facts for such 
matters seldom get reported to the public in Pakistan. The right of 
the people in Pakistan to know precisely how they stand vis-a-vis the 
potential threat by the nation's nuclear programme, to their health 
and security cannot be overemphasised.
The Pakistan-India People's Forum for Peace and Democracy (PPFPD) and 
the South Asia Free Media Association (SAFMA) and other 
public-spirited public organizations frequently raise the remand for 
the people to be kept informed on such matters.
Only the other day a group of Indian doctors on a goodwill visit to 
Pakistan at a seminar hosted by PPFPD and their Pakistani hosts 
passed a formal resolution repeating the demand.
The Indian Sindhi writers and intellectuals led by the renowned Dr. 
Suresh A. Keswani, of the Indian Sindh Academy currently in Pakistan, 
also raised the demand at a conference in Hyderabad in memory of 
renowned Sindhi literary figures of Pakistan also wholeheartedly 
endorsed the India - Pakistan efforts for peace.
However, it cannot be said that the talks between the top-level of 
policy makers in the two countries are progressing at the rate which 
the people expected at the outset.
It is generally agreed between the intelligentsia in Pakistan and 
India that going by our experience of the past 57 years, peace 
between the two countries deserves the highest priority. 
Unfortunately, nuclearization of the two countries has frightening 
implications.
For instance, during the Kargil conflict there were believed to be a 
number of a threats of a possible resort to nuclear weapons. 
Mercifully, the threats were not carried out.
The preface to the remarkable publication South Asia on a Short Fuse, 
co-authored by two Indian writers, Praful Bidwai and Achin Vanaik 
(the latter has held senior positions on the faculty of the Jamia 
Millia-i-Islamia in New Delhi) makes the unbelievable 'disclosure' 
that "Indian and Pakistani high officials exchanged nuclear threats 
directly or indirectly no fewer than 13 times in just five weeks 
during the Kargil crisis; it is said that these varied from warnings 
that "they won't hesitate to use 'any weapon' to threatening 
devastation in answer to the adversary's nuclear threat". The best 
one can is that one hopes this is not true.
It is perhaps surprising that one of the most impassioned please for 
denuclearization in the subcontinent came from a retired major 
General of the Pakistan army, Mahmud Ali Durrani, in his book The 
Cost of Conflict and Benefits of Peace, published in 2001.
That the saner elements in India also share Gen Durrani's concern 
about nuclearization is evident from the fact that the executive 
editor of New Delhi's daily, The Hindustan Times, which has a 
background of being the mouthpiece of the hardest of India's hard 
liners, wrote the foreword to the book.
It is difficult to disagree with Maj. Gen. Durrani's observation that 
"inflated egos, emotional rhetoric and deep-rooted mistrust are a 
common heritage of India and Pakistan which predates their 
independence in 1947 ... With jaundiced vision either adversary can 
easily misinterpret the other's intentions and initiate devastating 
action".
POST-SCRIPT: A most encouraging view favouring denuclearization has 
been expressed, unexpectedly, by a retired Lt-Gen, Mujibur Rehman, of 
the Pakistan army who for several years served as Gen Zia-ul-Haq's 
information secretary.
Gen. Mujib has said: "Some of our nuclear strategists and defence 
analysts supported by some prominent journalists have propagated the 
theory of nuclear deterrence as the nuclear strategy for Pakistan. 
... But nuclear deference is nothing more than a myth. The myth needs 
to be explored so that it is exploded before any harm comes to our 
national security".


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