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Dawn
May 15, 2005


Why can't we learn from history?

By Ardeshir Cowasjee

WHY, because by and large we are an ignorant nation, the majority of 
the 160 millions being illiterate. Those who have ruled have allowed 
the population to grow at a senseless rate, purposefully making no 
effort to curb it, and at the same time, purposefully maintaining 
illiteracy.

Of the literate minority, how many are educated? So, is it surprising 
that bigotry rules, Illiteracy breeds violence, so how can terrorism 
recede?

The younger son of that great fighter for right, Mian Mahmood Ali 
Kasuri, Khurshid, our powerless foreign minister, has just come out 
with a profound statement while on a visit to Australia. "No end in 
sight to the war against terror," he said. Should we be surprised?

The first time I met President General Ziaul Haq was on June 25, 
1977, in Rawalpindi, when he sent for me to propose that I become his 
minister for ports and shipping. He reminded me that he had promised 
the nation that he would return to his barracks in 90 days, and of 
that period 70 days remained. General, I told him, you will not 
return to your barracks in 70 days' time. What makes you think that, 
he asked. History, I replied, and enquired whether he had read 
Captain Sir Basil Henry Liddell Hart's book 'Why Don't We Learn from 
History?'

He had not, but he later not only read it but had it reprinted 
(without due permission, of course) and had it suitably edited. Not 
that the editing altered history. Had his tumble from the skies not 
been engineered, it may well be that he would still be with us, 
cherry-blossoming his hair and twirling his moustache. However, it is 
recommended reading for all who assume or pretend to power. Our 
present president, General Pervez Musharraf, should be able to find a 
copy of the unedited edition in the GHQ library. A study of Liddell 
Hart's advice may help him in his efforts to sort out matters to both 
his and our advantage.

Air Marshal Asghar Khan, a man who has lived and still lives close to 
reality, has written yet another book which has just been published 
by Oxford University Press. As he has been close to the power-head 
since the creation of Pakistan, a reading of his book, 'We've Learnt 
Nothing from History' obviously does not exude either joy or hope. 
But it is a good read, he writes well and lucidly, he is factual, and 
he is honest and open about his opinions, thoughts and his assessment 
of the men who have ruled and misruled the country. His life has been 
eventful, he has done his best, as he saw it, to bring sanity to the 
politics of Pakistan, and that he failed is no fault of his. The 
'system' is programmed to 'get' anyone who wishes to clean up, lessen 
corruption, get going, move on with the times, and join the real 
world.

The tale he tells of his Supreme Court endeavours in the matter of 
the ISI funding of political parties in order to manipulate elections 
is a lesson in the futility of battling against wrongs in the 
Republic of Pakistan. His remarks on our judiciary and judicial 
system are, sadly, to the point. Corrupted in 1954, further corrupted 
down the long years by the ruling schemers who have come and gone, 
they are, as they stand today, a lost cause. As for those who 
benefited from the ISI funding, using the people's money, rather than 
hiding their faces in shame many of them today sit in our assemblies 
and even in the cabinet. Shame, not only on them, but on those who 
have put them where they are.

When India exploded its nuclear bomb in 1988, the then prime minister 
Nawaz Sharif sought Asghar's opinion as to whether Pakistan should 
respond and explode its device. He was one of the few to advise that 
Sharif think long and hard and refrain from showing off. But 
naturally the national macho mood prevailed. Asghar's reasoning is 
sound. Were Pakistan to remain a non-nuclear nation, India could not 
attack with nuclear weapons, it would have to depend, in the event of 
hostilities started by either side, on conventional warfare alone.

Thus Pakistan would be safer. With nuclear weapons, Pakistan is at a 
disadvantage as its capability of destruction would be limited to a 
few major cities and power centres, whereas India's nuclear power is 
capable of the total elimination of Pakistan.

Then there is always the possibility of error, of the misreading of a 
warning, of miscalculation, or of being lured into a retaliatory 
attack. As a non-nuclear power Pakistan would merely have a 
conventional threat to its security, which would mean that it could 
cut down drastically on its defence expenditure and reduce the 'fat'. 
But, as writes the air marshal, "It is, however, sad but true that 
the few in power, or those aspiring to come to power, will have the 
courage to face facts and accept reality. It is more likely they will 
continue to misguide the people and lead the country towards greater 
misery and possible destruction."

All this would, of course, be irrelevant were the Kashmir issue to be 
solved, and quickly. If both India and Pakistan "persist in our 
folly, we, the people of the Indo-Pak subcontinent, will before long 
destroy ourselves, either by self-inflicted misery and hunger, and if 
not by these, then by the use of nuclear weapons, accidentally or 
intentionally, in which we appear to take so much pride."

As for the coming of democracy to this country, if we go by Asghar's 
recipe, it is a far cry, and many of us alive today will not be 
around to welcome it in. Anyhow, he is one of the few to have 
inevitably put country before self and all we can do is to wish him 
and his family well.


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SOUTH ASIANS AGAINST NUKES (SAAN):
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