[Assam] PM Singh, pray watch show movie 'The Killing Fields' to India act on Assam.

2006-02-19 Thread Bartta Bistar





Goswami wants withdrawal of Army from Assam[ Sunday, February 19, 2006 12:39:25 pmPTI ]
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/1420328.cms

NEW DELHI: Jnanpeeth award winning Assamese writer Indira Goswami, who has been mediating between the Centre and banned outfit ULFA, has written a letter to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh requesting the withdrawal of Army from Assam to help carry forward the ongoing peace process. Goswami, a member of the ULFA-selected Peoples Consultative Group, which had two rounds of peace talks with the government, including one with the Prime Minister, in her letter apprised Singh about the prevailing situation in Upper Assam where eight people were killed in police firing and one in alleged Army custody. "I humbly request you to kindly consider the removal of the security forces from the affected areas to ease the prevailing tension. I sincerely believe that 
such a step would help us to carry forward the peace process towards a positive end," Goswami said in her letter which she sent on Saturday. She said that such a move would be considered a "great gesture" from the government for the people of Assam. "The ongoing peace process is a historical step. People of Assam would remain grateful to you and your government," Goswami said in her letter. 




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[Assam] Prafulla, are you wearing the Indian Tilak smearing Assamese blood on yourself?

2006-02-19 Thread Bartta Bistar





Mahanta: Seeks exemption 
Guwahati, Feb. 18: Former Assam chief minister Prafulla Kumar Mahanta today sought to be exempted from deposing before the Justice K.N. Saikia Commission, which is probing the so-called secret killings that occurred during his tenure at Dispur. 
Mahanta argued that he has been made a party in a public interest litigation (PIL) which has been filed in the apex court to seek a CBI probe into the killings. 
He contended that since the Supreme Court has issued a notice to him on the PIL, the matter is now sub judice and so he should be exempted from appearing before the one-man inquiry commission till the apex court disposes of the PIL. 
Mahanta presented his plea when the commission was hearing government witnesses in connection with the attempt on the life of Asom Jatiyatabadi Yuba Chhatra Parishad leader Ananta Kalita by "secret killers" in 1999. 
Apart from Mahanta, the Supreme Court has also issued notices to the Centre and the Assam government. 
"During counter-insurgency operations, many persons were killed either by the security forces or by militant groups. The term ‘secret killings’ is baseless and politically motivated. Neither the Centre nor the state government is involved in the killings of the family members of Ulfa militants," Mahanta told mediapersons. 
He claimed that the Tarun Gogoi government succumbed to political pressure and rejected the interim report of the J.N. Sarma Commission that give him a clean chit after probing the "secret killings". 
"The issue of secret killings is now being used to ruin my political career as Saurav Baurah, the man behind Aalok, the NGO that filed the PIL in the Supreme Court, is a Congress man," Mahanta said. 
He again came out in support of the demand for a CBI inquiry, as sought by the NGO. 
Pranab Goswami, political secretary of Mahanta’s party, the Asom Gana Parishad (Progressive), pointed out that the party president had written to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh seeking a CBI probe into the secret killings.
So far, Dispur has constituted three inquiry commissions to probe the killings, but they have not succeeded in finding out the truth. 

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[Assam] Prafulla, are you wearing the Indian Tilak smearing Assamese blood on yourself?RP

2006-02-19 Thread Bartta Bistar


http://www.telegraphindia.com/1060219/asp/northeast/story_5865297.asp

Please visit the link to see the Photograph relevant to the posting.

Mahanta in PIL excuse A STAFF REPORTER 
http://www.telegraphindia.com/1060219/asp/northeast/story_5865297.asp







Mahanta: Seeks exemption 
Guwahati, Feb. 18: Former Assam chief minister Prafulla Kumar Mahanta today sought to be exempted from deposing before the Justice K.N. Saikia Commission, which is probing the so-called secret killings that occurred during his tenure at Dispur. 
Mahanta argued that he has been made a party in a public interest litigation (PIL) which has been filed in the apex court to seek a CBI probe into the killings. 
He contended that since the Supreme Court has issued a notice to him on the PIL, the matter is now sub judice and so he should be exempted from appearing before the one-man inquiry commission till the apex court disposes of the PIL. 
Mahanta presented his plea when the commission was hearing government witnesses in connection with the attempt on the life of Asom Jatiyatabadi Yuba Chhatra Parishad leader Ananta Kalita by "secret killers" in 1999. 
Apart from Mahanta, the Supreme Court has also issued notices to the Centre and the Assam government. 
"During counter-insurgency operations, many persons were killed either by the security forces or by militant groups. The term ‘secret killings’ is baseless and politically motivated. Neither the Centre nor the state government is involved in the killings of the family members of Ulfa militants," Mahanta told mediapersons. 
He claimed that the Tarun Gogoi government succumbed to political pressure and rejected the interim report of the J.N. Sarma Commission that give him a clean chit after probing the "secret killings". 
"The issue of secret killings is now being used to ruin my political career as Saurav Baurah, the man behind Aalok, the NGO that filed the PIL in the Supreme Court, is a Congress man," Mahanta said. 
He again came out in support of the demand for a CBI inquiry, as sought by the NGO. 
Pranab Goswami, political secretary of Mahanta’s party, the Asom Gana Parishad (Progressive), pointed out that the party president had written to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh seeking a CBI probe into the secret killings.
So far, Dispur has constituted three inquiry commissions to probe the killings, but they have not succeeded in finding out the truth. 

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Re: [Assam] Assamese Lullabies

2006-02-19 Thread Chan Mahanta
Hearty congratulations Rajib. Hope mama and baby are doing fine.
















At 1:53 PM -0800 2/18/06, Rajib Das wrote:
I need lullabies for my 3 week old son. Can anyone
point out the most favorite Assamese lullabies? Would
really prefer those that are essentially folk songs.

Would doubly appreciate if someone has digital audio
versions and can share.

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Re: [Assam] Prafulla, are you wearing the Indian Tilak smearing Assamese blood on yourself?RP

2006-02-19 Thread Chan Mahanta
Title: Re: [Assam] Prafulla, 	are you wearing the Indian
Tilak sm


That was an interesting picture: Of Prafulla Mahanta's forehead
smeared in red.

Did he turn into BJP?









At 11:28 AM + 2/19/06, Bartta Bistar wrote:


http://www.telegraphindia.com/1060219/asp/northeast/story_5865297.asp



Please visit the link to see the
Photograph relevant to the posting.



Mahanta in PIL excuse A STAFF
REPORTER

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1060219/asp/northeast/story_5865297.asp

Mahanta: Seeks exemption

Guwahati, Feb. 18: Former Assam
chief minister Prafulla Kumar Mahanta today sought to be exempted from
deposing before the Justice K.N. Saikia Commission, which is probing
the so-called secret killings that occurred during his tenure at
Dispur.

Mahanta argued that he has been made a
party in a public interest litigation (PIL) which has been filed in
the apex court to seek a CBI probe into the killings.

He contended that since the Supreme Court
has issued a notice to him on the PIL, the matter is now sub judice
and so he should be exempted from appearing before the one-man inquiry
commission till the apex court disposes of the PIL.

Mahanta presented his plea when the
commission was hearing government witnesses in connection with the
attempt on the life of Asom Jatiyatabadi Yuba Chhatra Parishad leader
Ananta Kalita by secret killers in 1999.

Apart from Mahanta, the Supreme Court has
also issued notices to the Centre and the Assam government.

During counter-insurgency
operations, many persons were killed either by the security forces or
by militant groups. The term ‘secret killings’ is baseless and
politically motivated. Neither the Centre nor the state government is
involved in the killings of the family members of Ulfa militants,
Mahanta told mediapersons.

He claimed that the Tarun Gogoi
government succumbed to political pressure and rejected the interim
report of the J.N. Sarma Commission that give him a clean chit after
probing the secret killings.

The issue of secret killings is now
being used to ruin my political career as Saurav Baurah, the man
behind Aalok, the NGO that filed the PIL in the Supreme Court, is a
Congress man, Mahanta said.

He again came out in support of the
demand for a CBI inquiry, as sought by the NGO.

Pranab Goswami, political secretary of
Mahanta’s party, the Asom Gana Parishad (Progressive), pointed out
that the party president had written to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh
seeking a CBI probe into the secret killings.

So far, Dispur has constituted three
inquiry commissions to probe the killings, but they have not succeeded
in finding out the truth.








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[Assam] The Real Kakopothar Story

2006-02-19 Thread Chan Mahanta
I have rarely seen a better written report. 
Please share with those you know or are 
interested:
cm

***

Bloody Friday
A Preliminary Report on the Killing of Innocent 
Protestors in Tinsukia district (Assam) in 
February 2006.

By

Manab Adhikar Sangram Samiti (MASS)




For further information contact:

Mr. Lachit Bordoloi
MASS Central Office
Opposite Pub Guwahati High School
Jyotinagar
Guwahati 781 021
Assam.
Email: [EMAIL PROTECTED]


The Event

On the February 10, 2006, eight people were 
killed by bullets of the armed forces and Assam 
Police at Kakopathar in Tinsukia district of 
Assam. Six of them were protesters and two were 
residents of Kakopathar hit by stray bullets from 
the indiscriminate firing. The protesters were 
among the thousands of residents that poured out 
from villages in and around Kakopathar and took 
to the streets demanding justice for the 
custodial death of Ajit Mahanta, a 37 years old 
resident of Dirak Goxaingaon in Kakopathar.

Ajit Mahanta was picked up by personnel of the 
13th Gorkha Regiment of the Indian Army stationed 
in the area. The incident took place on February 
4, 2006. At about six in the evening, seven 
people came to Mahanta's bamboo and thatched 
house where he lived with his mother, wife and 
two children. Five of the people were in uniform 
and the other two wore civilian clothes. They 
asked for Mahanta and his wife replied that he 
had gone to a neighbour's. The military personnel 
went searching for him and picked him up from the 
way. The Army later took his body to the Assam 
Medical College and Hospital claiming that he 
died in a fall. This happened on February 6, 2006.

Following the incident on February 7, 2006, the 
residents of the area and other neighbouring 
villages came out in protest. Thousands of people 
blocked the National Highway 52 in protest 
against the killing. They demanded the guilty to 
be punished at once. However, no action was taken 
against the military personnel responsible for 
the death of Mahanta. This led to the increase in 
protests and number of protesters. People started 
protesting at various other places like Chabua, 
Pengeri and Doomdooma. However, the 
administration turned a blind eye to the 
situation and did not take the case seriously 
even after increasing protests.

On February 10, 2006, people gathered at Dirak 
Chariali and started marching towards Kakopathar. 
Police tried to stop them, but the protesters 
edged on. Then the police started firing tear 
shells and bullets in the air. When the 
protesters showed no signs of fear, the police 
and armed forces started indiscriminate firing 
resulting in the death of the following persons:

1.  Kunjalata Moran (Female - 19), protester, 
of No. 1 Tejigaon village, Kakopathar. She was a 
student of Higher Secondary 1st year.
2.  Anandita Munda (Female - 23), protester, 
Kalakhua village in Tangana. She was ill and had 
come to Dirak to visit her sister and get medical 
treatment.
3.  Beauti Gohain (Female - 20), protester, 
No. 2 Dirak village, Kakopathar.
4.  Madhurjya Gohain (Male - 25), protester, 
No. 2 Dirak village, Kakopathar.
5.   Dipon Moran (Male - 20), protester, 
Bordirak village, Gosraguri, Kakopathar.
6.  Pokhili Bora (Female - 45), protester, 
Dirak Goxaingaon village, Kakopathar.
7.  Gopal Bailung (Male - 75), Kakopathar resident hit by stray bullets.
8.  Wahida Ahmed (Female - 30) Kakopathar 
resident, mother of 6 and a half years old 
daughter. She was hit by stray bullets.
9.  Mandira Moran (Female - NK) Khukhani suk under Kakopathar PS.

The firing also resulted in serious injuries. Some of the injured are:

1.  Prashanta Gohain Male-34
2.  Sumi Baruah, Female-27
3.  Pabitra Baruah, Male-11: 5th standard 
student. Sustained critical bullet injuries in 
right leg, right arm and right eye.
4.  Monica Moran, Female-19: Sustained four 
critical bullet injuries in her body including 
one in the chest.
5.  Loknath Handique, Male-22
6.  Dibya Moran, Male-18
7.  Phuleshwer Chetia, Male-17
8.  Diganta Gohain, Male-23
9.  Sanjay Dutta, Male-23
10. Hemanta Moran, Male-19
11. Bhanu Moran, Female-25
12. Jitamoni Moran, Female-25
13. Murgeshwer Moran, Male-35
14. Hemalata Moran, Female: Both legs are riddled by bullets.
15. Tuleshwer Chetia, Male-25
16. Nijara Kakati, Female-19

On the same day, police resorted to lathi charge 
on protesters in Chabua. Curfew was imposed 
immediately after the incidents in Kakopathar and 
Chabua and other adjoining areas as well as those 
considered sensitive. The Army was called in. 
Military forces started flag march barring any 
resident to venture outside. This created major 
obstacles for families of the deceased and the 
other protesters in getting information about 
their loved ones. The district administration and 
the police had taken 

[Assam] Amend the Indian Constitution to allow PLEBESCITES for secession first.

2006-02-19 Thread Bartta Bistar

BJP asks ULFA to fight pollsGuwahati | February 19, 2006 6:15:06 PM ISThttp://news.webindia123.com/news/showdetails.asp?id=254099n_date=20060219cat=India





The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) Sunday called on the outlawed United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) to shun the path of violence and contest the upcoming assembly elections in Assam. 
"It will be better for the ULFA to first shun violence and then contest the assembly polls and come to power," senior BJP leader Pramod Mahajan told a rally in Assam's main city Guwahati. 
Mahajan and BJP president Rajnath Singh were here to kick-start the party's campaign for the elections expected in April-May. 
"But we are not going to accept ULFA's demand for an independent homeland," he said. 
ULFA is a rebel group fighting for an independent Assamese homeland in Assam since 1979. The group last year threatened the BJP not to invite party leaders from outside the state to campaign. 
The BJP had then said it would not be cowed down by such threats. 
During the last assembly elections, a BJP candidate was shot dead by ULFA rebels in eastern Assam's Dibrugarh district.


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[Assam] Assamese women storming traditional male bastions -HT/Asian News Intl

2006-02-19 Thread Ram Sarangapani
This is really encouraging. One of Alpana's friends is running a very successful clothing/embroidery store. Her husband too passed away many years ago, but she has taken upon herself not to let that hold her back.

_
Women in Assam are slowly taking on the domain of men, and becoming entrepreneurs.
Asha Bora is one of the several such women who through their initiative are changing the face of Assam, charting a course for themselves and the state.

Greenwood Bakery is part of the Greenwood Resort that Asha Bora established a couple of years ago. She has single handedly guided and nurtured her maiden business venture for the last two years, and today it is one of the leading bakeries in Guwahati.


Asha did not let the tragic death of her husband two years ago to demoralize her. She turned the tragedy into an opportunity to chart a different course for her and others and today acts as a guiding force to the one hundred and fifty persons, who work with her.

I can employ them by opening a new business. That is my way of helping the poor indirectly. They are getting living. Without training they come to me and i train them how to deal, how to deal, how to talk to people and they follow me also, says Asha Bora, owner of Greenwood Resort and Bakery.

Asha is passionate about many things and gardening is one of them. It is this attachment to nature that helps her in the battles of life. She believes nature teaches her resilience and the virtue of rejuvenating one's life with the passage of time.

It is this spirit and confidence that has made Asha Bora a role model for other women. She has also helped in bringing about an attitudinal change among those who were against women's independence and empowerment.

Now ladies need encouragement and that's what I do, and now there are women entrepreneurs, who are getting support from their family also, she adds.

Asha has acted as a catalyst in changing this mindset.
But that is not all - The busy lanes and presence of the sizable number of visitors at the resort clearly demonstrates her success. She is a living example of women 's empowerment and independence. Her is a success story worthy of emulation and not just in Assam.

Yes now they want independence. They do not want to beg. I tried to be independent, after my husband expired. If I want to do business I do not want to be handicapped and now would not be misled and misbehaved by my family, Asha further says.

Asha finds time to chill out as well. A visit to discotheque provides her a much-needed break from work.
Asha Bora is the new face of Assam, reflecting women's strife for emancipation and independence in a rapidly changing world, and needless to say, the Assam government's industrial policy providing incentives to entrepreneurs to set up new business ventures, has more than helped her in this aspect.

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[Assam] Sanjib Baruah on Kakopathar

2006-02-19 Thread Sanjib Baruah

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1060220/asp/opinion/story_5850159.asp

The Telegraph (Calcutta) Monday, February 20, 2006

HOW THE STALEMATE MACHINE WORKS

Sanjib Baruah

The obvious lesson of Kakopathar is that counter-insurgency operations and 
negotiations towards peace do not go together, writes Sanjib Baruah The 
author is at the Centre for Policy Research, New Delhi, and Bard College, 
Annandale-on-Hudson, New York

The developments in Assam over the past few days have made one thing 
clear: that reports in recent years of the United Liberation Front of 
Assam losing influence have been highly exaggerated. At least that is not 
the case in those parts of rural upper Assam  the home ground of ULFAs 
exiled top leadership and the site of the recent unrest.

For a number of days, pro-ULFA slogans and sentiments have been in open 
display as villagers of the Kakopathar region blocked a national highway, 
stormed army pickets, vandalized vehicles and even dug up the highway to 
protest against the custodial killing of a fellow villager by the Indian 
army. That the army describes the victim as an ULFA hit-man has had no 
effect on the publics sense of outrage. Nine persons were killed in a 
police firing of protesters. ULFA called an Assam bandh on February 13, 
protesting against the Kakopathar firing and its chairman, Arabinda 
Rajkhowa, compared the incident with the Jalianwalla Bagh massacre.

The backdrop to these developments might initially seem awkward. The 
second meeting between the government of India and the ULFA-appointed 
peoples consultative group had just taken place in Delhi where the 
government even promised confidence-building measures to facilitate what 
could some day be called a peace process. However, important differences 
exist on the government side on whether to negotiate with ULFA. No less a 
person than Assams governor, Lieutenant General Ajai Singh  architect of 
two counter-insurgency operations against ULFA  publicly opposes 
negotiations. What is there to negotiate with them? he asks. Instead, he 
favours instilling fear in the rebels so that they cannot dictate terms. 
By contrast, Assams elected chief minister, Tarun Gogoi, has been strongly 
supportive of negotiations. Singh and some others in the security 
establishment would probably interpret Kakopathar as no more than a 
temporary setback. But if a single incident could become a trigger to such 
public anger and expression of pro-ULFA sentiments, one can hardly have 
confidence in the security establishments reading of the ground situation 
and its recipe for bringing about peace.

Indias track record of ending internal armed conflicts is quite poor. 
Today the world has numerous intra-state armed conflicts, and everywhere 
they last long  on average about seven years as opposed to six months for 
international wars according to one count. However, the duration of 
intra-state armed conflicts in India  and in the rest of south Asia  have 
been much longer than the world average. The Naga war  despite the 
nine-year old ceasefire  will soon enter the sixth decade, making it one 
of the worlds oldest armed conflicts.

There are many reasons why most of our conflicts have been long-lasting. 
But one common factor seems to suggest itself. Those who study armed 
internal conflicts emphasize the role of a mutually hurting stalemate 
felt by conflicting parties  as a necessary condition for pushing 
conflicts in the direction of a negotiated settlement. These theorists 
argue that when parties realize that further military escalation would not 
produce victory and that the costs of the status quo are unacceptably 
high, a conflict becomes ripe for resolution.

But in India, even when conflicts have been terribly hurtful, localized 
suffering has not easily translated into high costs for the government 
side. Doing something about conflicts in the Northeast may be important 
for our national-level politicians, but no government has fallen because 
of the way it has handled or mishandled them. And after decades of 
counter-insurgency and attention to security, we have further cushioned 
our decision-making elites from the hurting effects of a stalemate.

In a new two-tiered order, the top echelons of the bureaucracy, the army 
and the political establishment who live and travel with very high levels 
of security are now the security haves. Under these conditions, despite 
enormous suffering by civilians, those who favour a military solution or 
rather a victors peace tend to win policy arguments. They seem to believe 
that given the obvious military superiority of the governments side, all 
armed groups can be eventually bullied into submission. This of course has 
meant, in effect, stalemated long-duration armed conflicts and the costs 
being paid almost entirely by the security have-nots.

One obvious lesson of Kakopathar is that counter-insurgency operations and 
efforts toward a negotiated peace do not go together. 

Re: [Assam] Sanjib Baruah on Kakopathar

2006-02-19 Thread Chan Mahanta
Very well said Baruah. Was surprised to all heck that the Telegraph 
decided to publish your analysis :-).

Best,

m







At 5:50 PM -0500 2/19/06, Sanjib Baruah wrote:
http://www.telegraphindia.com/1060220/asp/opinion/story_5850159.asp

The Telegraph (Calcutta) Monday, February 20, 2006

HOW THE STALEMATE MACHINE WORKS

Sanjib Baruah

The obvious lesson of Kakopathar is that counter-insurgency operations and
negotiations towards peace do not go together, writes Sanjib Baruah The
author is at the Centre for Policy Research, New Delhi, and Bard College,
Annandale-on-Hudson, New York

The developments in Assam over the past few days have made one thing
clear: that reports in recent years of the United Liberation Front of
Assam losing influence have been highly exaggerated. At least that is not
the case in those parts of rural upper Assam  the home ground of ULFAs
exiled top leadership and the site of the recent unrest.

For a number of days, pro-ULFA slogans and sentiments have been in open
display as villagers of the Kakopathar region blocked a national highway,
stormed army pickets, vandalized vehicles and even dug up the highway to
protest against the custodial killing of a fellow villager by the Indian
army. That the army describes the victim as an ULFA hit-man has had no
effect on the publics sense of outrage. Nine persons were killed in a
police firing of protesters. ULFA called an Assam bandh on February 13,
protesting against the Kakopathar firing and its chairman, Arabinda
Rajkhowa, compared the incident with the Jalianwalla Bagh massacre.

The backdrop to these developments might initially seem awkward. The
second meeting between the government of India and the ULFA-appointed
peoples consultative group had just taken place in Delhi where the
government even promised confidence-building measures to facilitate what
could some day be called a peace process. However, important differences
exist on the government side on whether to negotiate with ULFA. No less a
person than Assams governor, Lieutenant General Ajai Singh  architect of
two counter-insurgency operations against ULFA  publicly opposes
negotiations. What is there to negotiate with them? he asks. Instead, he
favours instilling fear in the rebels so that they cannot dictate terms.
By contrast, Assams elected chief minister, Tarun Gogoi, has been strongly
supportive of negotiations. Singh and some others in the security
establishment would probably interpret Kakopathar as no more than a
temporary setback. But if a single incident could become a trigger to such
public anger and expression of pro-ULFA sentiments, one can hardly have
confidence in the security establishments reading of the ground situation
and its recipe for bringing about peace.

Indias track record of ending internal armed conflicts is quite poor.
Today the world has numerous intra-state armed conflicts, and everywhere
they last long  on average about seven years as opposed to six months for
international wars according to one count. However, the duration of
intra-state armed conflicts in India  and in the rest of south Asia  have
been much longer than the world average. The Naga war  despite the
nine-year old ceasefire  will soon enter the sixth decade, making it one
of the worlds oldest armed conflicts.

There are many reasons why most of our conflicts have been long-lasting.
But one common factor seems to suggest itself. Those who study armed
internal conflicts emphasize the role of a mutually hurting stalemate
felt by conflicting parties  as a necessary condition for pushing
conflicts in the direction of a negotiated settlement. These theorists
argue that when parties realize that further military escalation would not
produce victory and that the costs of the status quo are unacceptably
high, a conflict becomes ripe for resolution.

But in India, even when conflicts have been terribly hurtful, localized
suffering has not easily translated into high costs for the government
side. Doing something about conflicts in the Northeast may be important
for our national-level politicians, but no government has fallen because
of the way it has handled or mishandled them. And after decades of
counter-insurgency and attention to security, we have further cushioned
our decision-making elites from the hurting effects of a stalemate.

In a new two-tiered order, the top echelons of the bureaucracy, the army
and the political establishment who live and travel with very high levels
of security are now the security haves. Under these conditions, despite
enormous suffering by civilians, those who favour a military solution or
rather a victors peace tend to win policy arguments. They seem to believe
that given the obvious military superiority of the governments side, all
armed groups can be eventually bullied into submission. This of course has
meant, in effect, stalemated long-duration armed conflicts and the costs
being paid almost entirely by the security have-nots.

One obvious lesson of 

[Assam] ToI Blog Post

2006-02-19 Thread Chan Mahanta
This guy gets it !
cm




Hello Professors, What is wrong at IIT
 
  Why so many young people in IIT are killing themselves without 
any cause, without any reason. I mean when Bhagat Singh died young, 
he died for the freedom of the nation, when Manjunath and Satyendra 
Dubey died young; they were fighting against the corruption in the 
country. These people inspired the whole nation.
 
But these poor students died because you guys created so much 
pressure in their mind that they could not handle it any more. These 
poor student study so hard all their life, they must have handled 
lots of pressure from their parent too. Parents tell them beta IIT 
entrance clear kar lai fir pura life aaish kar. You tell them IIT 
clear kar lai fir aaish kar. Then they will join a company where 
their manager will tell them, work hard when you are young and you 
will become manager soon. Once they become manager then their CEO 
will tell them, you have great career ahead and could become CEO one 
day, so work hard again. And then they will become CEO one day and 
then the stakeholder of the company will fry him day in day out for 
ever quarter to quarter results.  There is no end for them.
 
You think that scoring few extra marks in subject like chemistry or 
for that matter any subject, will make then great engineers. You are 
wrong. Most of them, probably except computer science graduates will 
not even care to work in their area. Do you have any idea that kind 
of salary civil, mechanical or electrical engineer gets in private 
sector. It's pathetic. Most of them will join IT bandwagon, or do MBA 
and happily sell Dalda for HLL, become Investment Analyst for a Bank 
or simply become an IAS officer. If they are writing UPSC to become 
an IAS officer then they will probably select history and public 
administration over civil engineering as the subject for mains.
 
In short they are in IIT only for the brand value so why kill them, 
let them enjoy their life.

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[Assam] From Outlook India

2006-02-19 Thread Chan Mahanta
With this kind of approach can India become a global power?

*** Good question!
cm




Bull's eye
Delhi is India's capital. Consider its misgovernance. Then say hello 
to India's brand of democracy.
RAJINDER PURI
| e-mail | one page format | feedback:  send  |
Delhi is India's capital. Consider its misgovernance. Then say hello 
to India's brand of democracy.

The Supreme Court ordered the government to demolish all illegal 
buildings. That meant almost the whole of Delhi would be demolished. 
There arose panic, protests, threats and tears. How was this 
extraordinary situation created? Let's begin at the beginning. The 
central government made successive five-year plans. Despite that, for 
50 years village uplift remained neglected. Great attention was paid 
to augmenting food production. After all, cities consume food. But 
villages lacked power, drinking water, roads, healthcare and even 
literacy.

Building rural infrastructure would have created jobs. It would have 
tapped India's most precious resource-human talent. Instead, villages 
became unlivable. In search of jobs villagers migrated to cities. For 
50 years the influx continued. No new cities were built. Thanks to 
Partition, only Chandigarh was built to compensate the loss of 
Lahore. Inevitably, Delhi and the state capitals were choked with 
migrants.

The poor built unauthorised jhuggis. The rich built unauthorised 
houses. Both bribed politicians and officials. The poor created 
votebanks. The rich created bank balances. Delhi grew vertically. Its 
water became polluted. Its residential colonies were swamped by 
factories and offices. It, too, was becoming unlivable. Then the 
Supreme Court intervened. And all hell broke loose.

What was the government doing all these decades? In 1962, the first 
Delhi Master Plan was released. It announced guidelines and building 
bye-laws. Minor violations of these laws were compoundable by fines. 
Only major violations attracted demolition. With these laws in place, 
how was most of Delhi built illegally? The answer is simple. During 
the 40 years of the first plan it was amended 65 times to accommodate 
law-breakers. Corruption and vested interests triumphed each time. In 
2001, the second Delhi Master Plan was conceived.

But the Delhi government refuses to change its ways. It is pursuing a 
crafty strategy. It targeted elite schools for demolition. Parents 
set up a howl. It demolished fashion stores. Weeping models and 
designers created good media publicity. Meanwhile, to circumvent the 
court, the Delhi government framed an ordinance to legalise all 
residential construction before this year. The PM obliged by setting 
up a committee to study the ordinance. That is where matters rest. 
Even this ordinance would have made sense if it had reflected a 
genuine resolve to end the rot. But it seems done only for electoral 
advantage.

With this kind of approach can India become a global power?

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Re: [Assam] Sanjib Baruah on Kakopathar

2006-02-19 Thread Manoj Das
Assam, for that matter North East's insurgency is similar to that of
Peru's Shining Path insurgency. Peru's majority didnot take along half
the population in the developmental path, this led to a long 2 decades
of fighting between the govt. forces and the guerrillas. The human
rights violations there were worse than NE probably.

The setting up of the truth commission is one idea we can borrow from
that country. Let the govt. set up an international truth commission
that will go into the reasons, rights abuses and suggest solutions. 
All the parties should abide by the commissions  recommendations and
find a lastign solution.

MKD

On 2/20/06, Roy, Santanu [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:
 Dear Sanjib:

 Excellent piece - enjoyed reading it. Thanks for posting it,

 Hopefully your writings will inspire some innovative thinking in circles
 that think.

 Your characterization of the stalemate machine is quite apt. Your
 observation that

 ...in India, even when conflicts have been terribly hurtful, localized
 suffering has not easily translated into high costs for the government
 side. Doing something about conflicts in the Northeast may be important
 for our national-level politicians, but no government has fallen because
 of the way it has handled or mishandled them. And after decades of
 counter-insurgency and attention to security, we have further cushioned
 our decision-making elites from the hurting effects of a stalemate.

 is at the heart of the problem.

 Indeed, (at the risk of being repetitive) I have always felt that the very
 forces that cushion our decision making elites from the hurtful effects of
 a stalemate, the structures that ensure that localized suffering ...not
 easily translated into high costs for the government are also at the very
 root of the various reasons why local discontentment and localized
 insurgency emerge in the first place.

 There is a vicious circle here that acts as feedback mechanism and this to
 my view points to a fundamental failure of the Indian state.

 So, is there any hope? Perhaps, hope lies in some change of circumstances -
 something in the regular process of social change - or perhaps some turn of
 history that will make the ground reality in north eastern India (or Assam)
 extremely important to the interests of the political and bureucratic elite
 of the mainland. I can think of many examples. I can wish for some. But that
 would be wishful thinking.

 Take care-

 Santanu.


 -Original Message-
 From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] on behalf of Sanjib Baruah
 Sent: Mon 2/20/2006 7:50 AM
 To: assam@assamnet.org
 Subject: [Assam] Sanjib Baruah on Kakopathar


 http://www.telegraphindia.com/1060220/asp/opinion/story_5850159.asp

 The Telegraph (Calcutta) Monday, February 20, 2006

 HOW THE STALEMATE MACHINE WORKS

 Sanjib Baruah

 The obvious lesson of Kakopathar is that counter-insurgency operations and
 negotiations towards peace do not go together, writes Sanjib Baruah The
 author is at the Centre for Policy Research, New Delhi, and Bard College,
 Annandale-on-Hudson, New York

 The developments in Assam over the past few days have made one thing
 clear: that reports in recent years of the United Liberation Front of
 Assam losing influence have been highly exaggerated. At least that is not
 the case in those parts of rural upper Assam  the home ground of ULFAs
 exiled top leadership and the site of the recent unrest.

 For a number of days, pro-ULFA slogans and sentiments have been in open
 display as villagers of the Kakopathar region blocked a national highway,
 stormed army pickets, vandalized vehicles and even dug up the highway to
 protest against the custodial killing of a fellow villager by the Indian
 army. That the army describes the victim as an ULFA hit-man has had no
 effect on the publics sense of outrage. Nine persons were killed in a
 police firing of protesters. ULFA called an Assam bandh on February 13,
 protesting against the Kakopathar firing and its chairman, Arabinda
 Rajkhowa, compared the incident with the Jalianwalla Bagh massacre.

 The backdrop to these developments might initially seem awkward. The
 second meeting between the government of India and the ULFA-appointed
 peoples consultative group had just taken place in Delhi where the
 government even promised confidence-building measures to facilitate what
 could some day be called a peace process. However, important differences
 exist on the government side on whether to negotiate with ULFA. No less a
 person than Assams governor, Lieutenant General Ajai Singh  architect of
 two counter-insurgency operations against ULFA  publicly opposes
 negotiations. What is there to negotiate with them? he asks. Instead, he
 favours instilling fear in the rebels so that they cannot dictate terms.
 By contrast, Assams elected chief minister, Tarun Gogoi, has been strongly
 supportive of negotiations. Singh and some others in the security
 establishment would probably interpret Kakopathar as no more