Re: [CTRL] The Holocaust[2]Anti-Semite and Jew - An exploration of the etiology of hate

[RoadsEnd]

 -Caveat Lector-

In a message dated 12/18/98 10:45:21 AM, [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:

>Man, Roads End, quick research. I'm too bogged down right now to analyze in
>
>depth the pscho-babble of the pathetic Jean-Paul Sarte --- but I'll take
>
>this up when I post Fr. Fahey's short, concise clear definition of
>
>"anti-Semitism." Jim Condit Jr.

Here is some info on your Fr. Fahey.  Pathetic, I guess, is in the eye of . .
.
-
an excerpt from:
Shrine of the Silver Dollar
John L. Spivak(C)1940
Modern Age Books
New York, NY
-

VII

PHONY PATRIOTS
NAZIS AND COUGHLIN

ON JULY 9, 1938, Vladimir Kositzan, one of the most active Nazi propagandists
in the United States, wrote the following code letter to Ernst Goerner of
Milwaukee, another active Nazi agent: "The seeds are on way to you. More of
the Italian and English available yet. Polish will follow later, from my
Erfurt nursery. I want to get rid of my supplies before my probable
departure."

The "Erfurt nursery" is the press in Erfurt, Germany, where World Service, a
Nazi propaganda organ, is published in various languages for distribution
throughout the world. Nazi ships smuggle this material into the United States
where secret German agents distribute it to groups, organizations and
individual propagandists. The "seeds," of course., were copies of World
Service, printed in the languages Kositzan listed. It was part of Kositzan's
work to keep Goerner supplied with propaganda material and informed of likely
prospects who would help distribute the smuggled literature. Kosit zan was a
sort of wholesaler, while Goerner was one of the numerous agents handling the
retail end.

At the top of his letter to Goerner, Kositzan typed this name and address:
"Miss B. R. Burchett, 3411 Race St., Philadelphia, Pa." and scrawled in
pencil: "Needs material. Mention me. Very active."

July, 1938, was also the period when the Reverend Charles E. Coughlin, who had
already begun disseminating Nazi propaganda issued by the Ministry of
Propaganda in Berlin, launched his extreme anti-Semitic campaign. His efforts
to arouse racial and religious hatred in this country brought immediate
protests, not only from Jews but from high dignitaries of the Catholic church
and prominent Catholic laymen. Several radio stations announced they would not
sell time to the priest unless he submitted his script for advance reading to
see if he was "bearing false witness" as former Governor 'Alfred E. Smith had
publicly charged. When Coughlin would not agree to this "censorship," the
radio stations refused to let him go on the air.

Suddenly groups to defend Coughlin popped up. They called meetings to demand
that he be given his "constitutional rights of free speech." What these groups
were and the leaders' strange tie-ups will be dealt with in this chapter. At
the moment I am interested in Bessie Burchett, formerly head of the department
of foreign languages in the South Philadelphia High School for Girls, the lady
whose name Kositzan had sent to Goerner.

Within a few weeks after the Nazi agent in Milwaukee received Kositzan's
letter, Miss Burchett was on the public platform with Nazi and Silver Shirt
leaders, demanding that Coughlin be returned to the air. Most of her talks,
delivered in an atmosphere of Hitler salutes, were vicious anti-Semitic
diatribes. At no time did she mention how she became involved in Coughlin
defense efforts or that she had received material from Nazi agents.

At about this same period a young man named Edwin Westphall, hungry-looking, a
bit shabby, and down at the heels, 'Managed to eke out an existence by
peddling razor blades to the dinner and theater crowds on Times Square in New
York. Sometimes he made a couple of dollars, but it was hard sledding. Like
most Broadway peddlers, the seedy Mr. Westphall had something quick and alert
about him and he had that gift of gab so necessary if you're going to work the
Broadway population.

Times Square, where Westphall roamed with the coming of night, was being made
a concentration point by distributors of Social Justice. Frequently a Social
Justice peddler and the hawker of razor blades found themselves side by side.
Then one day Westphall disappeared, only to pop up again in the Bronx with new
shoes and new suit, cleanshaven, spick and span--and an authority on the
Constitution and the Bill of Rights. He was indignant about the radio stations
which would not permit Father Coughlin to go on the air. The same glib tongue
that sold razor blades now sold the need of "saving America"--and Coughlin-
through the "Crusaders for Americanism," which was headed by one George A. Van
Nosdall with offices at 126 East 123rd Street, New York City.

>From now on we get into a group of closely cooperating men, most of them
native Americans, some of them phonies and others just hopeful of becoming
spies for foreign governments under cover of ultrapatriotic rackets. All of
them, I found, were galvanized into action to defend Coughlin's ("right 

Re: [CTRL] The Holocaust[2]Anti-Semite and Jew - An exploration of the etiology of hate

[Jim Condit Jr.]

 -Caveat Lector-

Man, Roads End, quick research. I'm too bogged down right now to analyze in
depth the pscho-babble of the pathetic Jean-Paul Sarte --- but I'll take
this up when I post Fr. Fahey's short, concise clear definition of
"anti-Semitism." Jim Condit Jr.

On Thursday, December 17, 1998 1:00 PM, [EMAIL PROTECTED]
[SMTP:[EMAIL PROTECTED]] wrote:
>  -Caveat Lector-
>
> In a message dated 12/17/98 7:09:06 AM, [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:
>
> >analysis of the word "anti-Semitism"
>
> an excerpt from:
> Anti-Semite and Jew - An exploration of the etiology of hate
> Jean-Paul Sarte
> George J Becker(translator)
> Schocken Books(C)1948,1976
> New York, NY
> Paul Morhien(C)1946
> Paris, France
> ISBN 0-8052-1047-4
> --(2)--
> We must not confuse this precedence the anti-Semite enjoys by virtue of
his
> principles with individual merit. The anti-Semite is not too anxious to
> possess individual merit. Merit has to be sought, just like truth; it is
> discovered with difficulty; one must deserve it. Once acquired, it is
> perpetually in question: a false step, an error, and it flies away.
Without
> respite, from the beginning of our lives to the end, we are responsible
for
> what merit we enjoy. Now the anti-Semite flees responsibility as he flees
his
> own consciousness, and choosing for his personality the permanence of
rock, he
> chooses for his morality a scale of petrified values. Whatever he does,
he
> knows that he will remain at the top of the ladder; whatever the Jew
does, he
> will never get any higher than the first rung.
>
> We begin to perceive the meaning of the anti-Semite's choice of himself.
He
> chooses the irremediable out of fear of being free; he chooses mediocrity
out
> of fear of being alone, and out of pride he makes of this irremediable
> mediocrity a rigid aristocracy. To this end he finds the existence of the
Jew
> absolutely necessary. Otherwise to whom would he be superior? Indeed, it
is
> vis-a-vis the Jew and the Jew alone that the anti-Semite realizes that he
has
> rights. If by some miracle all the Jews were exterminated as he wishes,
he
> would find himself nothing but a concierge or a shopkeeper in a strongly
> hierarchical society in which the quality of "true Frenchman" would be at
a
> low valuation, because everyone would possess it. He would lose his sense
of
> rights over the country because no one would any longer contest them, and
that
> profound equality which brings him close to the nobleman and the man of
wealth
> would disappear all of a sudden, for it is primarily negative. His
> frustrations, which he has attributed to the disloyal competition of the
Jew,
> would have to be imputed to some other cause, lest he be forced to look
within
> himself. He would run the risk of falling into bitterness, into a
melancholy
> hatred of the privileged classes. Thus the anti-Semite is in the unhappy
> position of having a vital need for the very enemy he wishes to destroy.
>
> The equalitarianism that the anti-Semite seeks with so much ardor has
nothing
> in common with that equality inscribed in the creed of the democracies.
The
> latter is to be realized in a society that is economically hier archical,
and
> is to remain compatible with a diversity of functions. But it is in
protest
> against the hierarchy of
> functions that the anti-Semite asserts the equality of Aryans. He does
not
> understand anything about the division of labor and doesn't care about
it.
> >From his
> point of view each citizen can claim the title of Frenchman, not because
he
> co-operates, in his place or in his occupation, with others in the
economic,
> social, and
> cultural life of the nation, but because he has, in the same way as
everybody
> else, an imprescriptible and inborn right to the indivisible totality of
the
> country. Thus the society that the anti-Semite conceives of is a society
of
> juxtaposition one can very well imagine, since his ideal of property is
that
> of real and basic property. Since, in point of fact, anti-Semites are
> numerous, each of them does his part in constituting a community based on
> mechanical solidarity in the heart of organized society.
>
> The degree of integration of each anti-Semite with this society, as well
as
> the degree of his equality, is fixed by what I shall call the temperature
of
> the community. Proust has shown, for example, how anti-Semitism brought
the
> duke closer to his coachman, how, thanks to their hatred of Dreyfus,
bourgeois
> families forced the doors of the aristocracy. The equalitarian society
that
> the anti-Semite believes in is like that of mobs or those instantaneous
> societies which come into being at a Iynching or during a scandal.
Equality in
> them is the product of the non-differentiation of functions. The social
bond
> is anger; the collectivity has no other goal than to exercise over
certain
> individuals a diffused repressive sanction. Collective impulsions and
stereo
> types are imposed on individuals all the more stro

Re: [CTRL] The Holocaust[2]Anti-Semite and Jew - An exploration of the etiology of hate

[RoadsEnd]

 -Caveat Lector-

In a message dated 12/17/98 7:09:06 AM, [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:

>analysis of the word "anti-Semitism"

an excerpt from:
Anti-Semite and Jew - An exploration of the etiology of hate
Jean-Paul Sarte
George J Becker(translator)
Schocken Books(C)1948,1976
New York, NY
Paul Morhien(C)1946
Paris, France
ISBN 0-8052-1047-4
--(2)--
We must not confuse this precedence the anti-Semite enjoys by virtue of his
principles with individual merit. The anti-Semite is not too anxious to
possess individual merit. Merit has to be sought, just like truth; it is
discovered with difficulty; one must deserve it. Once acquired, it is
perpetually in question: a false step, an error, and it flies away. Without
respite, from the beginning of our lives to the end, we are responsible for
what merit we enjoy. Now the anti-Semite flees responsibility as he flees his
own consciousness, and choosing for his personality the permanence of rock, he
chooses for his morality a scale of petrified values. Whatever he does, he
knows that he will remain at the top of the ladder; whatever the Jew does, he
will never get any higher than the first rung.

We begin to perceive the meaning of the anti-Semite's choice of himself. He
chooses the irremediable out of fear of being free; he chooses mediocrity out
of fear of being alone, and out of pride he makes of this irremediable
mediocrity a rigid aristocracy. To this end he finds the existence of the Jew
absolutely necessary. Otherwise to whom would he be superior? Indeed, it is
vis-a-vis the Jew and the Jew alone that the anti-Semite realizes that he has
rights. If by some miracle all the Jews were exterminated as he wishes, he
would find himself nothing but a concierge or a shopkeeper in a strongly
hierarchical society in which the quality of "true Frenchman" would be at a
low valuation, because everyone would possess it. He would lose his sense of
rights over the country because no one would any longer contest them, and that
profound equality which brings him close to the nobleman and the man of wealth
would disappear all of a sudden, for it is primarily negative. His
frustrations, which he has attributed to the disloyal competition of the Jew,
would have to be imputed to some other cause, lest he be forced to look within
himself. He would run the risk of falling into bitterness, into a melancholy
hatred of the privileged classes. Thus the anti-Semite is in the unhappy
position of having a vital need for the very enemy he wishes to destroy.

The equalitarianism that the anti-Semite seeks with so much ardor has nothing
in common with that equality inscribed in the creed of the democracies. The
latter is to be realized in a society that is economically hier archical, and
is to remain compatible with a diversity of functions. But it is in protest
against the hierarchy of
functions that the anti-Semite asserts the equality of Aryans. He does not
understand anything about the division of labor and doesn't care about it.
>From his
point of view each citizen can claim the title of Frenchman, not because he
co-operates, in his place or in his occupation, with others in the economic,
social, and
cultural life of the nation, but because he has, in the same way as everybody
else, an imprescriptible and inborn right to the indivisible totality of the
country. Thus the society that the anti-Semite conceives of is a society of
juxtaposition one can very well imagine, since his ideal of property is that
of real and basic property. Since, in point of fact, anti-Semites are
numerous, each of them does his part in constituting a community based on
mechanical solidarity in the heart of organized society.

The degree of integration of each anti-Semite with this society, as well as
the degree of his equality, is fixed by what I shall call the temperature of
the community. Proust has shown, for example, how anti-Semitism brought the
duke closer to his coachman, how, thanks to their hatred of Dreyfus, bourgeois
families forced the doors of the aristocracy. The equalitarian society that
the anti-Semite believes in is like that of mobs or those instantaneous
societies which come into being at a Iynching or during a scandal. Equality in
them is the product of the non-differentiation of functions. The social bond
is anger; the collectivity has no other goal than to exercise over certain
individuals a diffused repressive sanction. Collective impulsions and stereo
types are imposed on individuals all the more strongly because none of them is
defended by any specialized function. Thus the person is drowned in the crowd,
and the ways of thinking and reacting of the group are of a purely primitive
type. Of course, such collectivities do not spring solely from anti-Semitism;
an uprising, a crime, an injustice can cause them to break out suddenly. But
those are ephemeral formations which soon vanish without leaving any trace.

Since anti-Semitism survives the great crises of Jew hatred, the society which
the anti-