[EM] Anyone got a good analysis on limitations of approval and range voting?

2009-11-07 Thread Matthew Welland
It seems to me that approval and range voting eliminate most of the 
strategic opportunity in single winner elections and the marginal 
improvement of other methods is fairly small. Can anyone point me to 
analysis, preferably at a layman level, that contradicts or supports this 
assertion?

Or, in succinct terms, what are the strategic flaws in approval or range 
voting? 

Thanks,

Matt
-=-

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Re: [EM] Anyone got a good analysis on limitations of approval and range voting?

2009-11-07 Thread robert bristow-johnson


On Nov 7, 2009, at 3:12 PM, Matthew Welland wrote:


It seems to me that approval and range voting eliminate most of the
strategic opportunity in single winner elections and the marginal
improvement of other methods is fairly small. Can anyone point me to
analysis, preferably at a layman level, that contradicts or  
supports this

assertion?

Or, in succinct terms, what are the strategic flaws in approval or  
range

voting?


this is no published analysis, but it should qualify as layman  
level.  this is why i don't like either approval or range voting in a  
governmental election.


in a sentence: Approval Voting does not collect enough information  
from voters and Range Voting requires too much.


since any of these methods we discuss here really exist for the  
purpose of dealing with more than two candidates (if there are  
exactly two candidates no one really disagrees about what to do)  
let's see if we have to do with multiple candidates.  in fact we can  
use the 2009 mayoral election in Burlington VT as an object lesson.


we have Candidate A (we'll call Andy), Candidate B (we'll call  
Bob), Candidate C (we'll call Curtis, but in Burlington his name  
was Kurt), and candidate D (we'll call Dan).


Approval Voting: so i approve of Andy and Bob, maybe Dan (not likely)  
and definitely not Kurt (err Curtis, candidate C).  but, if the  
election comes down to Andy vs. Bob, i want to register my preference  
for Andy.  how do i do that?  so then i'm thinking (tactically) that  
the Bob supporters aren't gonna be reciprocating with an approval  
vote for Andy, so what do i do if i really support Andy, am willing  
to settle for Bob, but really want Andy.  i will agonize over the  
decision and likely just vote approval for Andy, just like i would in  
a traditional FPTP election.  but then there is no information coming  
from me that i prefer Bob a helluva lot more than i approve of  
Curtis.  so Approval Voting has not relieved me, as a voter, from the  
need to consider tactics, if i want my vote to be effective.


Range Voting:  so i have 100 points that i can distribute among the 4  
candidates.  well definitely Candidate C (Curtis, really Kurt) gets  
zero of my points.  i might toss Dan 5 points, but i would likely not  
waste them.  so how do i divide my points between Andy and Bob?  i  
like them both, but prefer Andy over Bob, so what do i do?  i have to  
think tactically again.  are the Bob supporters gonna be tossing any  
points to Andy?  i can't trust that they will, they will probably  
just put all of their support for the candidate that they are  
behind.  if i want my vote to compete effectively with theirs, i will  
end up putting all 100 points behind my candidate Andy.  so, if we  
have any political identification at all, my vote under Range will  
convey no more information than it would with FPTP.


IRV, Condorcet, and Borda, use the simple ranked-order ballot where  
we say who we support first (candidate A for me), who is our second  
choice (candidate B), who is our third choice (candidate D for me)  
and who is our last choice (candidate C for me).  so if the election  
was just between A and B, we know that this voter (me) would vote for  
A.  if the election was just between B and D, we know this voter  
would vote for B.  if the election was between C and D, we know this  
voter would choose D.  of course, for a single voter (not necessarily  
for the aggregation of votes) there is no circular preference, we  
know that if the election was between A and D, this voter would vote  
for A.  we know that this voter would vote for B if the election was  
between B and C.  and we know that this voter would vote for A if it  
were between A and C.  from that simple ranked-order ballot, we know  
how the voter would vote between any selected pair of candidates in  
the hypothetical two-candidate election between those two.


of course IRV, Condorcet, and Borda use different methods to tabulate  
the votes and select the winner and my opinion is that IRV (asset  
voting, i might call it commodity voting: your vote is a  
commodity that you transfer according to your preferences) is a  
kabuki dance of transferred votes.  and there is an *arbitrary*  
evaluation in the elimination of candidates in the IRV rounds: 2nd- 
choice votes don't count for shit in deciding who to eliminate (who  
decided that?  2nd-choice votes are as good as last-choice?  under  
what meaningful and consistent philosophy was that decided?), then  
when your candidate is eliminated your 2nd-choice vote counts as much  
as your 1st-choice.


i don't like Borda because it has another arbitrary valuation.  the  
difference in score between your 1st and 2nd choice is the same as  
the difference in score between your 2nd and 3rd choice.  but what  
eternal value is that based on?  what if i like my 1st and 2nd choice  
almost equally, but think my 3rd choice is a piece of crap?  (this is  
what Range 

Re: [EM] Anyone got a good analysis on limitations of approval and range voting?

2009-11-07 Thread Raph Frank
On Sat, Nov 7, 2009 at 8:12 PM, Matthew Welland m...@kiatoa.com wrote:
 It seems to me that approval and range voting eliminate most of the
 strategic opportunity in single winner elections and the marginal
 improvement of other methods is fairly small.

The recommended strategy in approval is to approve one of the top 2
and also any other candidates who are above your approval threshold.

The threshold is not so important, as it is likely that one of the top
2 will win, so that approval is the only one that matters.

You should approve all you prefer to the best of the top 2 and should
never approve someone you like less than the worst of the top-2.

Some possible thresholds

- approve all you prefer to the expected winner
- approve all you prefer to the expected utility of the election
- approve all you prefer to the best of the top 2
- approve all you prefer to the worst of the top 2

I prefer to the first first one as it will results in the condorcet
winner winning the election if there are accurate polls.

As long as voters know who are the contenders, then approval strategy
is pretty easy.

Where there are 3 contenders, there is still some issue with regard to
handling the middle candidate.  The voter would need to make a call
about which tie was more likely and also the differences in utility.

Also, strategy isn't necessarily a bad thing.

The problem with plurality is that it converges on the 2 party system.

It is a Nash equilibrium.

If you could go through each voter after an election and ask them if
they want to change their vote, most of them wouldn't.

It would normally just reduce the margin or victory for their
favourite of the top-2.

However, with approval, you can have a sequence that goes like:

A and B are the top 2, but C is the condorcet winning candidate.

Voters follow the policy that they will approve one of the top 2 and
any candidate they prefer to the expected winner.

Since every voter will only vote for one of A and B (since they are
the top-2), one of them must end up with less than 50% of the vote.

C is the condorcet winner, so he is preferred to whoever is the
expected winner by at least half of the voters.

Thus the first poll will show something like

A: 45
B: 55
C: 51

Thus C will suddenly be one of the top-2.

This might take a few polls, but as C gets more press reports, his
percentage will increase.

Once he is one of the top-2, he cannot be displaced.  No matter who is
the other one, he will be preferred to that candidate by more than
50%.

Also, once he is one of the top 2, any voters who prefer him to all
other candidates will suddenly stop approving either of A or B.  Thus
one of them will drop in popularity.


The point is that it isn't strategy that is the problem.  It is that
strategy results in the voters ending up with the the better of 2
evils.

With approval, the result is that a condorcet winner should normally
win, so any strategy results in a fair result.

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Re: [EM] Anyone got a good analysis on limitations of approval and range voting?

2009-11-07 Thread Kristofer Munsterhjelm

Raph Frank wrote:

On Sat, Nov 7, 2009 at 8:12 PM, Matthew Welland m...@kiatoa.com wrote:

It seems to me that approval and range voting eliminate most of the
strategic opportunity in single winner elections and the marginal
improvement of other methods is fairly small.


The recommended strategy in approval is to approve one of the top 2
and also any other candidates who are above your approval threshold.


That's strategy T. Some times (see Rob LeGrand's dissertation defense 
slides) a strategy A is better: approve all that you like better than 
whoever's getting the most Plurality votes, and approve of him as well 
if you prefer him to the one in second place on the Plurality count.


(I think it's a Plurality count. Late here, so vote-getter may refer 
to Approval votes - I'm not sure.)


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Re: [EM] Anyone got a good analysis on limitations of approval and range voting?

2009-11-07 Thread Raph Frank
On Sat, Nov 7, 2009 at 10:57 PM, Kristofer Munsterhjelm
km-el...@broadpark.no wrote:
 The recommended strategy in approval is to approve one of the top 2
 and also any other candidates who are above your approval threshold.

 That's strategy T. Some times (see Rob LeGrand's dissertation defense
 slides) a strategy A is better: approve all that you like better than
 whoever's getting the most Plurality votes, and approve of him as well if
 you prefer him to the one in second place on the Plurality count.

Strategy A, as you defined it, is almost equivalent to just setting
the threshold to the utility of the expected winner.

 (I think it's a Plurality count. Late here, so vote-getter may refer to
 Approval votes - I'm not sure.)

I don't think that actually matters much.  They should be roughly the same.

The main point is that the top-2 candidates are the 2 candidates who
are most likely to tie, so you should approve one of them and not the
other.

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[EM] Anyone got a good analysis on limitations of approval and range voting?

2009-11-07 Thread Warren Smith
It seems to me that approval and range voting eliminate most of the
strategic opportunity in single winner elections and the marginal
improvement of other methods is fairly small. Can anyone point me to
analysis, preferably at a layman level, that contradicts or supports this
assertion?
Or, in succinct terms, what are the strategic flaws in approval or range
voting?
Thanks, Matthew Welland

--well... there is the whole rangevoting.org website...
my more-recent papers at
math.temple.edu/~wds/homepage/works.html
discuss range voting including some ways it is provably better than every
rank-order voting system for either honest or strategic voters...

--but those are not exactly succinct...

OK Let me try:
1. Range for 100% honest voters behaves better than IRV, Borda,
Condorcet and it is pretty intuitively clear why -- strength of
preference info used, not discarded.

2. For 100% strategic voters Borda is a total disaster as is also
pretty obvious... far worse than approval voting...  but range voting
just degenerates basically to approval voting, which still works
pretty well since, e.g. it obeys the favorite betrayal criterion.
If the strategic voters use I'll exaggerate on the top two naive
strategy (which in fact, in the real world, they pretty much do) then
Condorcet and IRV both degenerate
to strategic plurality voting, which is pretty obviously worse than
approval voting,
so range beats them.  For Condorcet systems with ranking-equalities allowed,
they might behave better with strategic voters, though.  I've posted
on that topic before.

3. The main perceived flaw in range voting is for strategic+honest
voter MIXTURES
and under the worrying assumption that who decides to be strategic, is
CORRELATED with the politics of that voter.  Thus for example,
strategic Bush voters could beat unstrategic Gore voters.  Problem
isn't really much of a problem if the Bush strategy-fraction is the
same as the Gore strategy fraction (a claim backed up by computer
sims). It is only if they differ.

4. I'm unaware of any evidence from the real world that Bushy and
Gorey voters really are any different strategically with range voting.
   However, there is evidence that
Nader voters are less strategic and more honest.  (Not surprisingly
since voting Nader
in the USA *was* unstrategic.)   However, the evidence from the real
world is that all political types of range voters are substantially
honest, i.e.only a small fraction vote approval-style, and this causes
Nader, despite this relative disadvantage, to do a lot better with
range voting than he does with approval voting.


-- 
Warren D. Smith
http://RangeVoting.org  -- add your endorsement (by clicking
endorse as 1st step)
and
math.temple.edu/~wds/homepage/works.html

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Re: [EM] (no subject)

2009-11-07 Thread Jonathan Lundell

On Nov 2, 2009, at 12:57 PM, Juho wrote:

Ok, these examples are sort of second level behind the hottest  
political arena. It makes sense not to involve party politics e.g.  
in decision making in the schools. Are there maybe counties/cities  
where the primary decision making body would have remained non- 
partisan?


In California, my sense is that most city elections and some county  
elections are in fact (not just nominally) non-partisan. That's not  
true for larger cities and counties, where the nominally non-partisan  
seats tend to be the farm team for the major parties--it's how you get  
on the ladder to the show.




Juho


On Nov 2, 2009, at 4:40 PM, Jonathan Lundell wrote:


On Nov 1, 2009, at 10:49 PM, Juho wrote:

Firstly, STV-PR can be used in all public elections, including  
those that are non-partisan.


Yes. Non-partisan multi-winner elections are however rare in  
politics. They may be more common e.g. when electing only a small  
number of representatives within a small community.


Non-partisan multi-seat bodies compose the overwhelming majority of  
elected offices in California. All our local boards (county and  
city governing board, school boards, fire protection and sanitation  
districts) are elected this way, and would be prime candidates for  
STV.


My sense is that this is fairly common across the US, though in  
some states some of these offices are partisan. There's plenty of  
scope for non-partisan PR.



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