[Marxism] Platypus Review publishes Racists

[Angelus Novus]

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The latest issue of the Platypus Review has an article by the fanatical 
anti-Muslim racists of the "Initiative Sozialistisches Forum" of Freiburg.

This is an organization that publishes nasty little racist tracts making claims 
about the psychopathology of Muslim males allegedly breast fed until the age of 
8 (For a refutation of this filth, see here (in German): 

 )

ISF also publishes book with covers that could be caricatures straight out of 
Der Stürmer:

http://www.ca-ira.net/img/maul-sex.djihad.despotie.jpg

The truly shameful thing is that ISF's publishing house finances this racist 
filth by also publishing the work of council communists like Anton Pannekoek, 
Cajo Brendel,  and Johannes Agnoli, none of whom are alive anymore to defend 
themselves from this sort of association.

I imagine the Platypus Review people will justify this shameful association by 
trying to claim that they don't actually share these views and are just trying 
to provide "food for thought", but that just means they don't have the courage 
of conviction to stand behind their own racist associations.  Anyway, here's 
the 
article:

http://platypus1917.org/2010/10/08/communism-and-israel/


  


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[Marxism] Analytical Biography Updated

[Leonardo Kosloff]

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Sorry, I bungled the subject header of my message as Marxism Digest 
  

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Re: [Marxism] Marxism Digest, Vol 84, Issue 30

[Leonardo Kosloff]

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Michael Perelman wrote
"First of all, I don't think we use titles here."
LK: My mistake...
MP: "What Shaikh says is true.  The New Deal was having a positive  effecton 
the economy, but in 1937, the budget cutters pulled the rug out
from the New Deal & the economy fell back down again until WW II.

I should have been more clear in what you cited.  Policies can shorten
the recovery time, but in the absence of such policies, a crisis can
take decades to recover."LK: Yes I know this. I'm not saying that the policies 
didn't have any positive effects, but that even if they had attained this 
recovery...what kind of recovery would that have been?If I recall correctly, it 
is in Monopoly Capital where Baran and Sweezy argue, I think (, at least that's 
where I seem to remember it from), that the problems affecting the foundations 
of the economy would haveremained, the tendency to stagnation would still be 
there. This isn't my view though. I think the recovery, had it been attained 
through New Deal policies, which it temporarily could have, (though I repeat, 
I'm not knowledgeable enough) wouldn't have restored profitability sufficiently 
enough so as to avoid this destruction of capital "indefinitely". Andrew 
Kliman, for example, looks at it along similar lines: 
http://sites.google.com/site/radicalperspectivesonthecrisis/finance-crisis/on-the-origins-of-the-crisis-beyond-finance/kliman%E2%80%9Cthedestructionofcapital%E2%80%9DandthecurrenteconomiccrisisThanks
 for the response, and sorry for the typos.

  

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[Marxism] Panama Awakes

[Dennis Brasky]

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from portside.org

 http://www.indypendent.org/2010/09/30/panama-awakes/

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Re: [Marxism] US Often Weighed North Korea `Nuke Option'

[michael perelman]

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My mother's cousin was friends with John Eisenhower.  With this
connection, he was part of a study group mulling over nuking the
North.  He said that the plan was rejected because the prevaling winds
would have moved much of the radiation onto US troops.

I recall the conversation because it was so surprising to me at the
time.  Not so, now.

-- 
Michael Perelman
Economics Department
California State University
Chico, CA
95929

530 898 5321
fax 530 898 5901
http://michaelperelman.wordpress.com


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Re: [Marxism] Analytical Biography Updated

[michael perelman]

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On Mon, Oct 11, 2010 at 8:04 PM, Leonardo Kosloff  wrote:

>
> Hi Prof. Perelman,

First of all, I don't think we use titles here.

> (by the way, you don't have any relation to Grigori Perelman?, he's one of the
> latest's winner of the Fields medalists -the biggest prize in math-, but he 
> rejected
> it http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Grigori_Perelman),

I don't know if we are related, but his behavior suggests that we might be.

> Anyway, as I was reading I found this remark:
>
> "The economy would eventually recover from the crises, but
> these downturns could be long-lasting unless something else intervened,
> such as World War II.  The
> competitive pressures brought on by the economic crises encouraged replacement
> investment and the search for improved techniques, which eventually helped to
> make the economy stronger.  This process
> created enormous human costs, especially because recovery could many years."
>
>
> From what I've read on the 30's, mostly from Marxists, that
> seems to be the case. Yet, last week I found a new article by Anwar Shaikh, he
> says that

What Shaikh says is true.  The New Deal was having a positive  effect
on the economy, but in 1937, the budget cutters pulled the rug out
from the New Deal & the economy fell back down again until WW II.

I should have been more clear in what you cited.  Policies can shorten
the recovery time, but in the absence of such policies, a crisis can
take decades to recover.

-- 
Michael Perelman
Economics Department
California State University
Chico, CA
95929

530 898 5321
fax 530 898 5901
http://michaelperelman.wordpress.com


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[Marxism] Analytical Biography Updated

[Leonardo Kosloff]

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I should have clarified that I'm still quite ignorant about the whole process 
took place, 
and I don't want to sound like a crass determinist, I'm still learning how to 
make my English more nuanced.
Yet, I think the implication from Shaikh's comment is that the State is somehow 
separate of the accumulation process, 
a view which I definitely not share.
Of course, it's a big topic, so I was only asking for a little clarification, 
perhaps some references.
Thanks again.
  

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[Marxism] Badiou & Zizek in NYC 10/15/10

[jay rothermel]

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*ALAIN BADIOU and SLAVOJ ZIZEK* in dialogue:
"On Philosophy and Communism"
15 October 2010, 7:00 PM, at the Jack Tilton Gallery
8 East 76th Street NY, NY.
Call for resevations: 212-737-2221.

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[Marxism] Analytical Biography Updated

[Leonardo Kosloff]

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Hi Prof. Perelman,


Thanks for your helpful comments on ground rent, hopefully I can come back to 
this discussion before long.

I read your interesting analytical bio. Kind of reminded me
of the mathematician Paul Halmos’ autobiography, which he called: an 
“autoMATHography”
(by the way, you don’t have any relation to Grigori Perelman?, he’s one of the
latest’s winner of the Fields medalists –the biggest prize in math-, but he 
rejected
it http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Grigori_Perelman),
so perhaps you should call yours an autoMARXography.


Anyway, as I was reading I found this remark:

“The economy would eventually recover from the crises, but
these downturns could be long‑lasting unless something else intervened,
such as World War II.  The
competitive pressures brought on by the economic crises encouraged replacement
investment and the search for improved techniques, which eventually helped to
make the economy stronger.  This process
created enormous human costs, especially because recovery could many years.”


From what I’ve read on the 30’s, mostly from Marxists, that
seems to be the case. Yet, last week I found a new article by Anwar Shaikh, he
says that


“There are several lessons that can be taken from these
episodes. First,

cutting back government spending during a crisis would be a
‘consequential

mistake’. This is Obama’s point. Second, it is absolutely
clear that the

economy began to recover in 1933, and except for the
administration’s misstep

in cutting government spending in 1937, continued to do so
until the

US build-up to the Second World War in 1939 and its full
entry in 1942. 

(Pearl Harbor being December 7, 1941). 
>>It
is therefore wrong to attribute

the recovery, which had begun nine years before the war, to
the war itself.

The war itself further stimulated production and employment.<<< 
Third, it is nonetheless correct to say that (peacetime) government
spending played a

crucial role in speeding up the recovery. Fourth, the
government spending

involved did not just go towards the purchase of goods and
services. It also

went toward direct employment in the performance of public
service. For

instance, the Work Projects Administration (WPA) alone
employed millions

of people in public construction, in the arts, in teaching,
and in support of

the poor.” 
(http://homepage.newschool.edu/~AShaikh/Shaikh%20First%20Great%20Depression%20of%20the%2021st%20Century%208_23_10.pdf,
p.13)

 

Shaikh doesn’t provide much evidence except for a chart, but
it sounds as though he’s saying that even if the war hadn’t happened, the
recovery policies would have eventually worked, which sounds suspicious to me.
The way I see it, the form in which the recovery took place was part of the
process of development of the specific conditions for the massive destruction
of capital which was WWII, it was no accident. 


Anyway, just wondering if you could tell us more about that.
  

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[Marxism] The burqa: reject the fake 'feminism' of the right

[Peter Boyle]

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On September 23, the *Daily Telegraph* reported on a wall mural in the
Sydney inner-west suburb of Newtown by artist Sergio Redegalli with the
slogan “Say no to burqas”.

Redegalli’s mural has sparked protests by local residents who have condemned
it as racist. Sydney Socialist Alliance activist *Kiraz Janicke* says
Redegalli’s piece “has no other value than to promote racism”. She has
responded with an artwork of her own — a submission to the Live Red Art
Awards, titled “Burqa revolution”.

In this article, Janicke argues that banning the burqa (a veil covering the
entire body, with a mesh over the eyes), or other forms of Islamic dress
worn by some Muslim women that cover the face, will hinder true women’s
liberation:
http://www.greenleft.org.au/node/45667

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Re: [Marxism] US Often Weighed North Korea `Nuke Option'

[DW]

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I think this has been studied to death. Curtis LeMay and McArth. both wanted
to nuke Korea. LeMay, for general purposes because he believed in using
a-bombs whenever and wherever possible, and Douglas MacArthur more
'tactically' to bomb Chinese bases across the Amnok River (known also as the
Yalu River). The study really doesn't take into account Soviet and Chinese
atomic reaction to this, threats against Japan, the U.S. mainland, etc that
could of/would of been a major detering factor.

That the US has plans to nuke N. Korea in the past or now should come as
absolutely no surprise. The US has "plans" to nuke all countries, all
cities, and probably, in the event of an insurrection, US cities. This from
a country that until 1939 kept updating it's plan to invade Canada. Really.
* *

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[Marxism] ECUADOR: Luces y sombras sobre la intentona golpista en Ecuador

[Fred Fuentes]

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Luces y sombras sobre la intentona golpista en Ecuador

Por Francisco Hidalgo Flor (*)

Rebanadas de Realidad - Quito, 07/10/10.- Los análisis sobre el 30 de
Septiembre en Ecuador se multiplican, las versiones son variadas e
incluso contradictorias, desde quienes la reducen a una revuelta
policial, hasta quienes ven un complot cuyo sentido era asesinar al
Presidente, y los grupos de derecha tienen la ceguera de referirse a
un auto - golpe.

Se pretende encontrar una secuencia de causas y efectos plenamente
coherente y secuencial, olvidando que fueron acontecimientos de
confrontación política, que involucró movilizaciones sociales y
decisiones de momento, pocas de ellas planificadas, por lo tanto lo
impredecible y casual ocupa un espacio importante en el
desenvolvimiento de los hechos.

En el presente artículo mantengo la hipótesis de que el sentido
principal se enmarca en una intentona golpista, independientemente de
que sus autores lo reconozcan así, pero quiero poner énfasis sobre
algunos detalles que rodearon la toma de posición de sujetos sociales
y políticos.

El sentido de las leyes modernizadoras de Correa

Un detalle que no se puede perder de vista es que en los mismos días
en que se produce la intentona golpista se estaban aprobando tres
leyes fundamentales: el Código de Ordenamiento Territorial - COOTAD,
la Ley de Educación Superior, la Ley Orgánica de Servicio Público, y
estaban en proceso de debate legislativo la Ley General de Educación y
la Ley de Medios de Comunicación.

Todas ellas fundamentales en el proceso de modernización del estado,
crucial en la estrategia gubernamental. Estas nuevas normas jurídicas
se orientan a reorganizar el aparato estatal, recuperando los roles
del estado en planificación y control de la economía, en la
organización política y territorial del país, en el direccionamiento
de la formación de capital humano y cuadros técnicos, garantizando la
rectoría del ejecutivo, con delegaciones directas desde la presidencia
de la república.

Son normas jurídicas que, por un lado, afectan a la derecha económica,
cuando coloca controles estatales sobre los mercados, y los grandes
medios de comunicación; pero, por otro lado, va recortando derechos
importantes alcanzados por los movimientos populares clásicos:
estudiantil y sindical, como la autonomía universitaria, la
organización gremial de los empleados públicos, conquistas laborales
de contratación colectiva y jubilación, reestructuración en la
burocracia y magisterio nacional.

Con el agravante de un limitado consenso con los actores sociales
afectados por la nueva legislación, y sin consensos amplios con los
partidos políticos y bloques parlamentarios, incluso en el seno del
propio partido de gobierno.

La incorporación de ciudadanía en las decisiones políticas de fondo,
es extremadamente limitada.

Estamos frente a un proceso de modernización que abre las puertas a un
modelo neodesarrollista, bajo una tutela estatal, pero con leves
procesos de reforma social.

Correa en "la boca del lobo", ¿trastorno los acontecimientos?

El análisis de los hechos mismos del 30 de septiembre plantea la
pregunta ¿fue adecuada la decisión de Correa de ir al centro de la
revuelta policial?, en las primeras horas va al Regimiento Quito No.
1, con un reducido grupo de seguridad y asesoría política, todavía
convaleciente de una operación en su rodilla, y confronta a los
complotados.

Correa es vejado y obligado a escapar, pero se refugia a pocos pasos,
en el Hospital de la Policía, que estaba controlado por los mismos
sublevados. Convaleciente se niega a dialogar, peor a cualquier
concesión, ante las demandas policiales declara: "de aquí me sacan
muerto".

¿Acto irresponsable o valentía política?, Los sublevados se enfrentan
a una situación totalmente inesperada que los supera de largo. Otros
sectores de las fuerzas armadas y de población que hubieran podido
plegarse a la insubordinación, ante las variaciones presentadas, dan
un paso atrás, van quedando aislados. El transcurrir de las horas
corre en su contra

En contraste, las posiciones gubernamentales van consolidándose, se
engrosan las movilizaciones sociales, la gente sale a la calle a
respaldar al Presidente y se hace evidente la condena internacional.
El transcurrir de las horas corre a su favor.

La retención del presidente otorga a sus seguidores una bandera
política concreta: no al golpe, hay que ir en su rescate; y un foco de
atención en torno al cual concentrar sus fuerzas: rodear con masas el
cuartel policial.

Parecería ser que estos acontecimientos del 30 de septiembre
demostraron que el gobierno ya tiene una base propia a la cual apelar
y movilizar.

Estamos frente a un proceso político que sale victorioso de una dura
prueba, y se afirma su dirección, bajo un eje de un 

Re: [Marxism] James Petras on The Ecuadorian Coup

[Greg McDonald]

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I think Petras' criticism, both of the CONAIE and Correa, is pretty
even-handed. He correctly delineates Correa's right turn in the wake
of economic difficulties, pursuing policies which alienated his base
of support. He also takes the CONAIE to task for failing to see the
larger picture. But the analysis of Correa below mirrors the analysis
of the CONAIE.  Any president who backtracks on his promises to engage
the Indigenous sector on an equal basis, as enshrined in the
constitution, and refers to the leadership of the CONAIE as bandits
and backward elements, clearly a racist commentary, can certainly
expect to lose the support of the communities associated with CONAIE.

Although the MPD is not mentioned, one can also understand, though not
necessarily agree, with the fact that the UNE teacher's union was
present at the police protest in support of the cops.

Lets see: racist and demeaning rhetoric, inability to listen,
austerity measures, attacks on unions, opening up the countryside to
multinationals, yep, it's all there.

Greg

On Mon, Oct 11, 2010 at 8:04 PM, Fred Fuentes  wrote:

> The leadership of the Indian movement varied in its response to the
> coup.  The most extreme position adopted by the near moribund
> electoral party Pachacutik (US aid recipient) actually endorsed the
> police coup and call on the masses to form a “united front”, a call
> which fell on deaf ears.  The bulk of the Indian movement (CONAIE)
> adopted a complex position of denying that a coup was taking place,
> yet rejecting the police violence and setting forth a series of
> demands and criticisms of Correa’s policies and methods of governance.
>  No effort was made to either oppose the coup or to support it.  In
> other words, in contrast to its militant anti dictatorial past, CONAIE
> was virtually a marginal actor.
>
> The passivity of CONAIE and most of the trade unions has its roots in
> profound policy disagreements with the Correa regime.
>
> Correa’s Self-Induced Vulnerability:  His Right Turn
>
> During the emerging citizens-movement five years ago, Rafael Correa
> played an important role in deposing the authoritarian, corrupt and
> pro-imperialist regime of Lucio Gutierrez.  Once elected President, he
> put in practice some of his major electoral promises:  evicting the US
> from its military base in Manta; rejecting foreign debt payments based
> on illicit accounts; raising salaries, the minimum wage, providing low
> interest loans and credit to small business.  He also promised to
> consult with and take account of the urban social and Indian
> movements, in the lead up to the election of a constitutional assembly
> to write up a new constitution.  In 2007 Correa’s list running with
> his new party Alianza Pais (the country alliance) won a two thirds
> majority in the legislature. However facing declining revenues due to
> the world recession, Correa made a sharp turn to right.  He signed
> lucrative contracts with multi-national mining companies granting them
> exploitation rights on lands claimed by indigenous communities without
> consulting the latter, despite a past history of catastrophic
> contamination of Indian lands, water and habitat.  When local
> communities acted to block the agreements, Correa sent in the army and
> harshly repressed the protestors.  In subsequent efforts to negotiate,
> Correa only heard his own voice and dismissed the Indian leaders as a
> “bunch of bandits”, and “backward elements” who were blocking the
> “modernization of the country”.
>
> Subsequently, Correa went on the offensive against the public
> employees, pushing legislation reducing salaries, bonuses and
> promotions, repudiating settlements based on agreements between unions
> and legislators.  In the same way Correa imposed new laws on
> university governance, which alienated the professoriate,
> administration and students.  Equally damaging to Correa’s popularity
> among the organized sectors of the wage and middle classes, was his
> authoritarian style in pushing his agenda, the pejorative language he
> used to label his interlocutors and his insistence that negotiations
> were only a means to discredit his counterparts.
>
> Contrary to Correa’s claim to be a pathfinder for “21st century
> socialism”, he was, instead, the organizer of a highly personal
> strategy for 21st century capitalism, one based on a dollarized
> economy, large scale foreign Investments in mining, petroleum and
> financial services and social austerity.
>
> Correa’s ‘right turn’, however; also depended on political and
> financial support from Venezuela and its Cuban and Bolivian allies.
> As a result Correa fell between two chairs: he lost support from the
> social left because of “pro-extractive” foreign economic policies and

[Marxism] some images from the rescue of Correa

[michael a. lebowitz]

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http://youtu.be/iTdVHEyRY_k
-- 




-- 
-
Michael A. Lebowitz
Professor Emeritus
Economics Department
Simon Fraser University
 University Drive
Burnaby, B.C., Canada V5A 1S6
Home:   Phone 604-689-9510
Cell: 778-230-6137





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[Marxism] James Petras on The Ecuadorian Coup

[Fred Fuentes]

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By sending this i am not necessarily endorsing all the views put
forward in the article. What i found interesting is that Petras is
usually more know for his stridant attack on Correa and Morales and in
defense of the social movements such as CONAIE, though this time he
feels they were clearly in the wrong
In solidarity
Fred

The Ecuadorian Coup: Its Larger Meaning ( 0)
Print This ShareThis
By James Petras. Axis of Logic
Axis of Logic.
Saturday, Oct 9, 2010
http://axisoflogic.com/artman/publish/Article_61331.shtml

The abortive military-police coup in Ecuador, which took place on
September 30, has raised numerous questions about the role of the US
and its allies among the traditional oligarchy and the leftist social
movements, Indian organizations and their political parties.

While President Correa and all governments in Latin America, and
significant sectors of the Ecuadorian public described the violent
actions as a coup, the principle organ of Wall Street – The Wall
Street Journal – described it as a “police protest”.  Spoke persons
for Goldman Sachs and the Council of Foreign Relations referred to the
police and military power grab against the democratically elected
government as a self-induced “political crises” of the President.
While the coup was underway the “Indian” movement CONAIE, launched a
manifesto condemning the government, while the “Indian” party
Pachakutik supported the ouster of the President and backed the police
coup as a “just act of public servants”.

In summary, the imperial backers of the coup , sectors of the
Ecuadorian elite and Indian movement downplayed the violent police
uprising as a coup in order to justify their support for it as just
another “legitimate economic protest”.  In other words, the victim of
the elite coup was converted into the repressor of the peoples’ will.
The factual question of whether their was a coup or not, is central to
deciding whether the government was justified in repressing the police
uprising and whether in fact the democratic system was endangered.

The Facts about the Coup

The police did not simply “protest” against economic polices, they
seized the National Assembly and attempted to occupy public buildings
and media outlets.  The air force – or at least those sectors
collaborating with the police – seized the airport in Quito, concerted
actions seizing and blocked strategic transport networks..  President
Correa was assaulted and seized and kept hostage under police guard by
scores of heavily armed police, who violently resisted the Special
Forces who eventually freed the president resulting in scores of
wounded and ten deaths.  Clearly the leaders of the police uprising
had more in mind that a simple “protest” over cancelled bonuses – they
sought to overthrow the president and were willing to use their
firepower to carry it off.  The initial economic demands of public
sector employees were used by the coup leaders as a springboard to
oust the regime.

The fact that the coup failed is, in part, a result of the President’s
vigorous and dramatic appeal to the people to take to the streets to
defend democracy - an appeal, which resonated with thousands of
supporters and denied the coup makers public support in the streets.

The facts on the ground all point to a violent attempt by the police
and sectors of the military to seize power and depose the president –
by any definition a coup.  And so it was immediately understood by all
Latin American governments, from right to left, some of whom
immediately closed their frontiers and threatened to break relations
if the coup leaders succeeded.  The only exception was Washington –
whose first response was not to join in the condemnation but to wait
and see what would be the outcome or as presidential spokesperson
Philip Crowley announced “we are monitoring events”, referring to the
uprising as a “protest” challenging the government.  When Washington
realized that the coup was actively opposed by the Ecuadorian public,
all the Latin American governments, the bulk of the armed forces and
doomed to failure,  Secretary of State Clinton called Correa to
announce US “backing” for his government, referring to the coup as
merely an “interruption of the democratic order”.

In the run-up to the restoration of democracy, the trade unions were
by and large passive observers, certainly no general strikes were
discussed or even active mobilizations.  The response of top military
officials in the army were by and large opposed to the coup, except
perhaps in the air force which seized the principle airport in Quito,
before handing it over to anti-drug units of the police force.  The
anti narcotic police were in the forefront of the coup and not
surprisingly were under intense US training and indoctrination

Re: [Marxism] Imperative mandates

[Dan]

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A few more points on the subject of Libertarian Communist political
theory.

I forgot to add that it wouldn't change anything if those entrusted with
an imperative mandate were chosen by drawing lots. Actually, it's a
pretty good idea. Just like in 4th century BC Athens, anybody could be
tasked with managing the local sewage system, anybody could have
responsibility for overseeing road traffic, anybody could be sent to the
higher, federal level with a mandate on behalf of the council. Since
people entrusted with an imperative mandate, debated and voted upon in
assembly, are supposed to carry out faithfully the imperative mandate,
the manner of their choosing should, ideally, be immaterial.
Drawing lots is a very equitable means of ensuring that everybody gets
his turn at helping self-manage the community.
Of course, in reality, when it comes to sending delegates to a
higher-level federation, each council would choose the person they
consider to be the most articulate in defending their imperative
mandate. Which is why it is so important to limit such important
functions as "delegate to the federation" to a non-renewable one-year
term. This of course, should be one of the basic premises the federation
itself be founded upon. That no representative from any workers' council
be entrusted with an imperative mandate from his council for more than a
year. In this manner, the ever-present dangers of political
specialization and bureaucracy would be, if not avoided, at least
mitigated 






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Re: [Marxism] Imperative mandates

[Shane Mage]

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On Oct 11, 2010, at 2:28 PM, Dan wrote:

> ==
> Rule #1: YOU MUST clip all extraneous text when replying to a message.
> ==
>
>
>>> ""Imperative mandate" is an idea as undemocratic as the
> US Senate.  Every modern society would involve a multiple of thousands
> of diverse groups if all were small enough for everybody to
> participate in debate and election (Aristotle was right about this
> size limit). If the "mandated" individuals then carry out their
> mandates the final decision will be by majority of mandates, not
> majority of the people--because the minority mandates might well be
> conferred by overwhelming majorities and the majority mandates
> conferred by tiny minorities."
>
>
> I don't see why that should be the case.
>
> It stands to reason that whenever several groups (workers' councils)
> federate and co-ordinate their actions at a higher level, then a  
> council
> that represents 40 people will have less weight than a council that
> represents 200 people. When the delegates from each council meet and
> debate, each scrupulously following the imperative mandate he/she  
> holds
> from his/her council, then the imperative mandates from a bigger  
> council
> will carry more weight than those from a smaller council.

So the unanimous mandates from four "councils" will have less weight  
than a 50.1% mandate from the fifth.  My point exactly.

Not to mention that this "democracy" disfranchises everybody unable to  
attain active membership in one of those councils.

I repeat: the only possible democracy in a non-tiny community is  
choice of the governing authority by random selection among the entire  
population.

Shane Mage






"Thunderbolt steers all things." Herakleitos of Ephesos, fr. 64






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Re: [Marxism] Imperative mandates

[Dan]

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>>""Imperative mandate" is an idea as undemocratic as the  
US Senate.  Every modern society would involve a multiple of thousands  
of diverse groups if all were small enough for everybody to  
participate in debate and election (Aristotle was right about this  
size limit). If the "mandated" individuals then carry out their  
mandates the final decision will be by majority of mandates, not  
majority of the people--because the minority mandates might well be  
conferred by overwhelming majorities and the majority mandates  
conferred by tiny minorities."


I don't see why that should be the case.

It stands to reason that whenever several groups (workers' councils)
federate and co-ordinate their actions at a higher level, then a council
that represents 40 people will have less weight than a council that
represents 200 people. When the delegates from each council meet and
debate, each scrupulously following the imperative mandate he/she holds
from his/her council, then the imperative mandates from a bigger council
will carry more weight than those from a smaller council. Otherwise, of
course, the will of the people would be skewed. If you say that each
group of 20 people carries one mandate, then the workers' council that
consists of 40 workers carries 2 mandates and the one that consists of
200 people carries 10 mandates.
Of course, direct democracy also implies that many issues be devolved to
the individual council (day-to-day management of production and
distribution by the people themselves), and only such issues as
necessitate large-scale coordination (infrastructure, large-scale
projects, procurement of raw materials, telecommunications, R and D,
foreign policy, defense...) would be the responsability of the
federation (or federation of federations) of workers' councils.
The "federal pact" would imply that dissenting councils would be
required to abide by the decisions of the federation, or else simply
become disaffiliated from the federation and fend for themselves.
This, by the way, is basically the way anarcho-syndicalists and council
communists envision how a libertarian communist society would function
politically. Through direct democracy, direct control, imperative
mandates and free federalism.







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[Marxism] El Poder de los Militares

[Greg McDonald]

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Interesting article from Rebelion this morning by Jose Natanson.
According to the author, the gang that couldn't shoot straight also
could not think straight. There was no clear chain of command, and as
Correa has pointed out, three separate delegations of police spoke to
him the night of his pseudo-kidnapping.  The would-be golpistas did
not attempt to capture the nerve centers of power, nor did they ever
succeed in controlling even a block of territory. The transit routes
into Quito remained open, (gee, where is that CONAIE when you need
'em), no other political leaders were detained, and Correa was not
even isolated. He was allowed to keep his cell phone, for example.
The befuddled kidnappers did not know what to do with Correa. Although
a few said he should be shot, they clearly were not up to that task.

They were obviously not sufficiently connected with the organs of
alternative political power in Guayaquil and Miami.

Not to minimize their action, the police strike was completely
successful in every major city except Cuenca.

The Armed forces decided to back Correa 100%, with the proviso that
the government rescind the annulment of their bonuses, and they even
asked for raises, which Ponce promised to give them. This certainly
smells of blackmail, as Eduardo Gudynas has pointed out. (I guess that
yearly $50 million package from the US government just wasn't enough).

According to Natanson, the only clearly positive result of the coup
that wasn't is to re-open the debate regarding the need to reassert
complete civilian control over the police and the military.

Philip Marlowe had it right after all. It's never a good idea to relax
in the presence of someone with a gun.


El poder de los militares

José Natanson
Página 12


Si se sigue con un poco de atención el debate político-intelectual
surgido en Ecuador tras los episodios de la semana pasada, es fácil
descubrir que oscila entre quienes lo definen como un simple motín
salarial que, más por imperio de la furia desorganizada que como
resultado de una estrategia deliberada, derivó en el secuestro del
presidente, y quienes lo consideran, sí, un intento de golpe de
Estado, aunque –salvo los conspiracionistas que creen ver detrás la
mano invisible de la CIA– hay acuerdo en que, incluso si fue un golpe,
fue un golpe fracasado, desde sus inicios, en toda su improvisación
estratégica y operativa.

Contra lo que indica el manual del buen golpista, los policías no
llegaron, ni siquiera intentaron, tomar todos los centros neurálgicos
del poder, ni se aseguraron el control territorial más allá del
bloqueo desordenado del aeropuerto (no hubo retenes en los accesos a
Quito ni bloqueos en las rutas que aislaran la ciudad); no detuvieron
a otros líderes políticos (incluyendo al vicepresidente) y no aislaron
a Correa (que se comunicaba vía telefónica con sus funcionarios y los
medios). La sensación es que, una vez que lo secuestraron, no sabían
bien qué hacer con él: evidentemente no se animaron a asesinarlo y, al
encontrarse con la rotunda negativa del presidente a negociar bajo
coacción, no supieron cómo reaccionar.

Aunque obviamente había vínculos de Lucio Gutiérrez, los policías
sublevados no estaban lo suficientemente articulados con los dos
actores políticos y sociales capaces de asumir el poder, los únicos
núcleos alternativos al mismo Correa que existen en Ecuador: la
oligarquía de Guayas liderada por al alcalde Jaime Nebot y el partido
Sociedad Patriótica, de considerable penetración popular, capitaneado
por Gutiérrez. Quizá por eso, los análisis posteriores tienden a pasar
por alto el hecho de que –a diferencia de lo que sucedió en Venezuela
en 2002 o en Bolivia en 2008– las movilizaciones populares en rechazo
al golpe fueron tibias, lo que demuestra que el gobierno de Correa
puede gozar de un altísimo nivel de aprobación, pero que se trata de
una aprobación difusa, poco organizada, sin liderazgos fuertes más
allá del mismo presidente.

En todo caso, y más allá de un debate que puede volverse semántico,
Ecuador se suma a la lista de intentonas fracasadas, que incluye a
Venezuela (donde –ahí sí– una parte del ejército acompañó al liderazgo
civil golpista) y Bolivia (donde tanto los militares como la policía
se mantuvieron leales al presidente). En este marco, Honduras aparece
como una clara excepción, con una serie de características propias: el
origen fue un conflicto institucional de poderes (que luego desembocó
en un golpe); había actores sociales y corporativos (empresarios,
medios, un sector de los sindicatos) dispuestos a hacerse cargo del
poder; dos de los tres poderes del Estado (el Congreso y la Corte) se
mostraron dispuestos a pintar de un barniz institucional al golpe y,
sobre todo, había un liderazgo claro (el del senador Roberto
M

[Marxism] Teamster Elections:Sandy Pope to Challenge James Hoffa

[Jonathan Flanders]

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Sandy Pope to Challenge James Hoffa

Sandy Pope, a leader in the Teamster reform movement who rose through
the ranks from Cleveland truck driver to president of a Teamster local
in New York, is challenging twelve-year incumbent James Hoffa for
General President of the 1.3 million-member Teamsters Union.

Sandy was the leading vote-getter against Hoffa’s slate in the last
Teamster election in 2006. Pope won 100,000 votes as a candidate for
Secretary Treasurer, the number two position in the union.

campaign website:http://sandypope2011.org/

It promises to be  quite a year or so in the life of the Teamster's
union. Hoffa juniors  reign is now teetering, following years of
concession bargaining. The shine is off the "celebrity business
unionism" that he typified in the  last decade.

Jon Flanders






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[Marxism] What's new at Links: Ecuador coup, Afghan war, Thailand, Mondragon co-op, BDS Israel, S.Africa, Cuban revolution, Alex Callinicos

[glparramatta]

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What's new at Links: Ecuador coup, Afghan war, Thailand, Mondragon 
co-op, BDS Israel, S.Africa, Cuban revolution, Alex Callinicos

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Ecuador: Coup defeat reveals Correa's strengths and weaknesses


By *Duroyan Fertl*
October 8, 2010 -- The attempted coup d'etat in Ecuador on September 30, 
2010, against the left-wing government of Rafael Correa was defeated by 
loyal troops and the mass mobilisation of Correa's supporters. The event 
underscores the turbulent history of the small Andean country. It also 
reveals some of the weaknesses of Ecuador's revolutionary movement, 
which is part of a broader Latin American movement against US domination 
and for regional unity and social justice.

* Read more 


War on Afghanistan: a crime against humanity


Statement by the *Socialist Alliance* (Australia) national executive
October 8, 2010 -- On October 17, 2001 the _Australian government 
deployed troops to Afghanistan_, just nine days after the US had begun 
bombing one of the most poverty-stricken and war-weary countries on Earth.

* Read more 


Thailand: Interview with Red Sunday leader Sombat Boonngamanong


October 6, 2010 -- *Sombat Boonngamanong*, a cultural activist and NGO 
organiser, was not one of the central leaders of the United Front for 
Democracy against Dictatorship (popularly known as the Red Shirts) when 
their mass protest camp (at the Ratchaprasong intersection in the heart 
of Bangkok) was bloodily dispersed by the Thai military on May 19, 2010. 
Thousands were injured, 91 killed and hundreds have become political 
prisoners in this crackdown. But Sombat has since emerged as a popular 
figure in the dramatic Red Shirts' resurgence over the last month.

* Read more 


Mondragon: A path to 21st century socialism?


By *Louis Proyect*
October 11, 2010 -- On day five of Carl Davidson's visit to Mondragon 
, he alludes to a transition to a "Third 
Wave" future by the Basque cooperative. The Fagor pressure cookers might 
be phased out in favour of "the high-design and high-touch products of a 
third wave future in a knowledge economy". In order to succeed in this 
new business, Mondragon would have to develop "new entrepreneurs", 
according to Isabel Uriberen Tesia, a Mexican on the Mondragon staff.

* Read more 


In defence of South African academics' successful call for a boycott
of Israel 

//By the *Palestinian Campaign for the Academic and Cultural Boycott of 
Israel* (PACBI)
Occupied Ramallah, September 30, 2010 -- PACBI welcomes the decision[1] 
on September 29, 2010, by the Senate of the University of Johannesburg 
(UJ) "not to continue a long-standing relationship with Ben Gurion 
University (BGU) in Israel in its present form" and to set conditions 
"for the relationship to continue". The fact that the UJ Senate set an 
ultimatum[2] of six months for BGU to end its complicity with the 
occupation army and to end policies of racial discrimination against 
Palestinians is a truly significant departure from the business-as-usual 
attitude that had governed agreements between the two institutions until 
recently.

* Read more 


South African splinters: From `elite transition' to `small-a
alliances' 

[The following article first appeared in AfricaFile's //At Issue Ezine/, 
/vol. 12 (May-October 2010), edited by *John S. Saul*, which examines 
the development of the southern African liberation movement-led 
countries. It has been posted at /Links International Journal of 
Socialist Renewal/ with permission.]
By *Patrick Bond*

* Read more 


Workers in the Russian and Cuban revolutions


By *Chris Slee*
October 4, 2010 -- This is a response to "Cuba: Stalinism isn't 
socialism ", by J