[Marxism-Thaxis] The theologicalization of Marx.

2009-01-20 Thread Waistline2
The theologicalization of Marx. 
 
Saying something is true does not make it so. Tearing a quote from Marx to  
prove a proposition, rather than using common sense based on thinking things  
out; pondering the issue, and at least trying to grasp the logic of his method, 
 is not only boring after several years, but reveals extremely dogmatic 
thinking.  Marx challenged the workers to think and Capital is written for the 
workers. 
 
With study what leaps from the pages of Capital Vol. 1 is an incredible  
moving story of the history of property forms, wealth, conquest, poverty, 
riches  
and the story of humanity fighting to "get behind" the historical process by  
thinking things out. 
 
The approach to an issue is never "whose wrong" but "what wrong." What is  
wrong with some of these discussions is treating Marx as some kind of God like  
infallible entity. There is nothing wrong with quoting Marx, but one must  
recognize that many people have studied Marx for years and also may have strong 
 
opinions. 
 
Taking a position that does not admit the possibility of an incorrect  
reading of Marx is the road to dogmatism. .
 
WL.
 
 
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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] underconsumptionism; (refutation by Marx and Lenin)

2009-01-20 Thread Waistline2
Apologies for the length of this, but I was challenged to produce some  
quotes ... 
 
--- On Tue, 1/20/09, Charles Brown <_charl...@cncl.ci.detroit.mi.us_ 
(mailto:charl...@cncl.ci.detroit.mi.us) >  wrote: 
 
You quoted the quote from Lenin. If you'd turned the page and read on, you  
would have found the following: 
 
'These propositions all speak of the contradiction we have mentioned,  
namely, the contradiction between the unrestricted drive to expand production  
and 
limited consumption—and of nothing else. Nothing could be more senseless  than 
to conclude from these passages in Capital that Marx did not admit the  
possibility of surplus-value being realised in capitalist society, that he  
attributed crises to under-consumption, and so forth.' 
 
This should serve as an alert on this issue. 
 
Here is Marx in Book 2, Chapter 20: 
 
'It is sheer tautology to say that crises are caused by the scarcity of  
effective consumption, or of effective consumers. The capitalist system does 
not  
know any other modes of consumption than effective ones, except that of sub  
forma pauperis or of the swindler. That commodities are unsaleable means only  
that no effective purchasers have been found for them, i.e., consumers (since  
commodities are bought in the final analysis for productive or individual  
consumption). But if one were to attempt to give this tautology the semblance 
of 
 a profounder justification by saying that the working-class receives too 
small a  portion of its own product and the evil would be remedied as soon as 
it 
receives  a larger share of it and its wages increase in consequence, one 
could only  remark that crises are always prepared by precisely a period in 
which 
wages rise  generally and the working-class actually gets a larger share of 
that part of the  annual product which is intended for consumption. From the 
point of view of  these advocates of sound and “simple” (!) common sense, such 
a 
period should  rather remove the crisis. It appears, then, that capitalist 
production comprises  conditions independent of good or bad will, conditions 
which permit the  working-class to enjoy that relative prosperity only 
momentarily, and at that  always only as the harbinger of a coming crisis.' 
 
In a footnote to this passage, Engels remarked: 'Ad notam for possible  
followers of the Rodbertian theory of crises'. Rodbertus had argued that:  
'capital 
accumulates and production increases without there being a sufficient  number 
of purchasers for the products, for the capitalists do not wish to  consume 
more and the workmen are not able to do so.' 
 
In Anti-Duhring: 'unfortunately the under-consumption of the masses, the  
restriction of the consumption of the masses to what is necessary for their  
maintenance and reproduction, is not a new phenomenon. It has existed as long 
as  
there have been exploiting and exploited classes. Even in those periods of  
history when the situation of the masses was particularly favourable, as for  
example in England in the fifteenth century, they under-consumed. They were 
very 
 far from having their own annual total product at their disposal to be 
consumed  by them. Therefore, while under-consumption has been a constant 
feature 
in  history for thousands of years, the general shrinkage of the market which 
breaks  out in crises as the result of a surplus of production is a phenomenon 
only of  the last fifty years; and so Herr Dühring's whole superficial vulgar 
economics  is necessary in order to explain the new collision not by the new 
phenomenon of  over-production but by the thousand-year-old phenomenon of 
under-consumption.  ... The under-consumption of the masses is a necessary 
condition of all forms of  society based on exploitation, consequently also of 
the 
capitalist form; but it  is the capitalist form of production which first gives 
rise to crises. The  under-consumption of the masses is therefore also a 
prerequisite condition of  crises, and plays in them a role which has long been 
recognised. But it tells us  just as little why crises exist today as why they 
did 
not exist before.' 
 
The problem which devotees of underconsumptionism have is explaining how  
capitalism works at all, since the workers can NEVER buy back the full value of 
 
what they produce. The entire system should die at birth because the workers  
won't be able to buy everything. The trick for getting out of this problem is 
to  postulate 'third parties' who manage to buy the unsold goods. Luxemburg, 
Baran  and Sweezy etc take this route. Malthus gives this kind of explanation, 
which  Marx discusses in Theories of Surplus Value 
 
Let's look at the quote in context. Here is the whole paragraph: 
 
'Let us suppose that the whole of society is composed only of industrial  
capitalists and wage-workers. Let us furthermore disregard price fluctuations,  
which prevent large portions of the total capital from replacing themselves in  
their 

Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Historical Markers (was Re: =?win...

2009-01-20 Thread Waistline2
> Complete nonsense. The rednecks are still  out for blood.

And Beyonce shits. A shallow floozy who can't sing <  


Comment 
 
There is no significance to Obama being president? I do recall your  
amazement with his victory over Hillary and McCain . . . yes? 
 
Those still out for blood are irrelevant as an abstraction. Politics deals  
with real people; a real disposition of forces and fighting for real and  
perceived interests. I cannot predict the future but people are out in the  
street 
in a battle over ideas. Where are those out for blood? The streets belong  to 
the masses this day.   
 
On this one I do believe you are mistaken. 
 
Dismissing the millions and millions of folks taking part into today's  
festivities have more in common with "sour grapes" than critical outlook.  Now 
that 
I think of it, there is politics involved in why Obama's victory  does not 
signify the "End of the Civil War." Perhaps, this will become a  discussion 
issue as the year unfolds. 
 
And the girl can sing. Perhaps not to your liking. And she is a stunningly  
beautiful your women. 
 
OK? 
 
WL 
 
 
**Inauguration '09: Get complete coverage from the nation's 
capital.(http://www.aol.com?ncid=emlcntaolcom0027)

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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Historical Markers (was Re: =?win...

2009-01-20 Thread Ralph Dumain
Complete nonsense. The rednecks are still out for blood.

And Beyonce shits. A shallow floozy who can't sing and isn't fit to lick out 
Etta James' asshole.


-Original Message-
>From: waistli...@aol.com
>Sent: Jan 20, 2009 8:54 PM
>To: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu
>Subject: Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Historical Markers (was Re: =?win...
>
>
>Beyonce singing Etta James shaped "At Last," with Obama and Michelle on  
>staging providing the first dance. 
> 
>"At Last,
>my love has come along.
>My lonely nights are over.." 
> 
>You could knock my ass over with a feather. 
> 
>Some are calling the historical marker that is Obama, "the ending of the  
>Civil War in America." 
> 
>I had not thought out this moment in time in those word/concepts. 
> 
>"The ending of the Civil War in America."
> 
>Damn. 
> 
>As an advocate of the Third Edition of the American Revolution,  . .  .
> 
>Wait a minute. 
> 
>"The ending of the Civil War in America."
> 
>Bush W. administration was long ago dubbed as the Southern takeover of  
>American politics. A characterization I strongly agreed with. And brilliantly  
>written about in "Made In Texas" by Michael Lind. 
>Bush W. as the defeated Confederacy personified?  
> 
>"The ending of the Civil War in America."
> 
>Talk about being caught flat footed. I simply lack concept frameworks to  
>have been inspired to equate Obama's election as "The ending of the Civil War 
>in  
>America."
> 
>Now some "Marxists" see all of this as so much bourgeois adulation.  
>Generally, the Marxists - most American Marxists, have ben wrong on every 
>single  
>question of importance in our history and in the main can claim no 
>contribution  
>to the treasure house of Marx, with few exception. 
> 
>I am so glad to follow my heart's song and mind's pictures. 
> 
>What a day. Like Denzel in Training Day
> 
>"What a day." 
> 
>"The ending of the Civil War in America."
> 
>I thought the war ended with the passage of the Civil Rights Laws in the  
>1960 and 1970's. But then again I am generally wrong all the time anyway. 
>Being  
>wrong has never prevented a fight, over right and wrong. . 
> 
>"At Last." 
> 
>Wow. 
> 
>WL 
>
>
>
>
>
>**Inauguration '09: Get complete coverage from the nation's 
>capital.(http://www.aol.com?ncid=emlcntaolcom0027)
>
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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Historical Markers (was Re: =?win...

2009-01-20 Thread Waistline2

Beyonce singing Etta James shaped "At Last," with Obama and Michelle on  
staging providing the first dance. 
 
"At Last,
my love has come along.
My lonely nights are over.." 
 
You could knock my ass over with a feather. 
 
Some are calling the historical marker that is Obama, "the ending of the  
Civil War in America." 
 
I had not thought out this moment in time in those word/concepts. 
 
"The ending of the Civil War in America."
 
Damn. 
 
As an advocate of the Third Edition of the American Revolution,  . .  .
 
Wait a minute. 
 
"The ending of the Civil War in America."
 
Bush W. administration was long ago dubbed as the Southern takeover of  
American politics. A characterization I strongly agreed with. And brilliantly  
written about in "Made In Texas" by Michael Lind. 
Bush W. as the defeated Confederacy personified?  
 
"The ending of the Civil War in America."
 
Talk about being caught flat footed. I simply lack concept frameworks to  
have been inspired to equate Obama's election as "The ending of the Civil War 
in  
America."
 
Now some "Marxists" see all of this as so much bourgeois adulation.  
Generally, the Marxists - most American Marxists, have ben wrong on every 
single  
question of importance in our history and in the main can claim no contribution 
 
to the treasure house of Marx, with few exception. 
 
I am so glad to follow my heart's song and mind's pictures. 
 
What a day. Like Denzel in Training Day
 
"What a day." 
 
"The ending of the Civil War in America."
 
I thought the war ended with the passage of the Civil Rights Laws in the  
1960 and 1970's. But then again I am generally wrong all the time anyway. Being 
 
wrong has never prevented a fight, over right and wrong. . 
 
"At Last." 
 
Wow. 
 
WL 





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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Historical Markers (was Re: =?win...

2009-01-20 Thread Waistline2
To be brutally honest I actual thought and felt the same thing about Colin  
Powell, rather than Al Sharpton or an Al Sharpton figure. But I did not think  
his election was possible back then. 
 
I am experiencing some odd and profound emotions.  
 
Remember some of Obama's christianizing black men and lecturing them on  
their responsibility as men? Today, his inaugural address shifted and placed  
responsibility on every single individual, which it so say that the race card  
had 
to be played during the campaigning phase of the nomination process. Anytime  
the black guys are pulled up front, about anything in America, everybody is  
getting ready to be screwed, real bad. 
 
My idea of freedom and emancipation is not making some other smuck suffer  or 
feel my pain. Spreading the pain is not my idea of a good time. 
 
I do have a knee jerk kind of reaction to any politician suggesting "I"  have 
to do more and sacrifice. 
 
Yet, Obama grasped the moment. 
 
I am to old for ideas of saviors and all knowing Gods, but the movements of  
millions of Americans have created an enormous space for politics that did not 
 exist under the Bush regime. I would say this political space is the result 
of  the Bush W. regime and Obama's ability to grasp the moment as real 
politics. 
 
If $800 million is a stimulus opening shot for Obama, as the opening act,  
then lets look at big things like perhaps $5 - 7 trillion. Its only money and  
never has to be "paid back" unless one subscribes to a monetary theory bound up 
 with "paying back." In the new brave world of valueless wealth, profits 
without  surplus value extraction, and increasingly valueless paper wealth,  . 
. . 
.  like paper for real, PAPER, one should be "paid back" with paper. 
 
I just don't know right know. Too many emotions. Am I dying or being born.  
Or neither. 
 
It's like when Ingrid told Bogart in Casablanca, that he had to do the  
thinking for the both of them. Right now I just don't know. 
 
 
WL.  


In a message dated 1/20/2009 7:24:52 P.M. Eastern  Standard Time, 
shm...@pipeline.com writes:

On Jan 20, 2009, at 6:59 PM,  waistli...@aol.com wrote:
>
> ...If the truth be told I did not  think that I would live long  
> enough to see a
> black  president in America...

For a few years now I've expected that the  Dumbocrats would install a  
black president this year.  But until  the ascension of Obama   I  
thought his name would be  Powell.


Shane Mage

> This cosmos did none of gods or men  make, but it
> always was and is and shall be: an everlasting  fire,
> kindling in measures and going out in measures."
>
>  Herakleitos of  Ephesos
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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Historical Markers (was Re: =?win...

2009-01-20 Thread Shane Mage

On Jan 20, 2009, at 6:59 PM, waistli...@aol.com wrote:
>
> ...If the truth be told I did not think that I would live long  
> enough to see a
> black president in America...

For a few years now I've expected that the Dumbocrats would install a  
black president this year.  But until the ascension of Obama   I  
thought his name would be Powell.


Shane Mage

> This cosmos did none of gods or men make, but it
> always was and is and shall be: an everlasting fire,
> kindling in measures and going out in measures."
>
> Herakleitos of Ephesos

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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Historical Markers (was Re: =?win...

2009-01-20 Thread Waistline2

At the pace events are moving, and given demographics, it might just be  20 - 
30 years before Israel have an Arab Prime minister. I don't know. But  the 
implications of such an event is mind boggling. I do feel that American  policy 
towards Israel must shift dramatically. 
 
If the truth be told I did not think that I would live long enough to see a  
black president in America. Being 400 years behind the English could be worse. 
 We could have been 1,000 years behind. 
 
I honestly would like to also see a women as President. Maybe in the next  50 
years? or 12? 8? 4? 
 
History? 
 
I can't figure it out.
 
WL. 



In a message dated 1/20/2009 6:49:14 P.M. Eastern  Standard Time, 
shm...@pipeline.com writes:

On Jan 20, 2009, at 6:00 PM,  waistli...@aol.com wrote:
> A black guy as president is  just
>  . . . different. Obama is a historical marker in our history. This   
> is  a
> great moment in American history.

Historical  Markers:

Four hundred years ago the English chose a Scotsman as their  King

Two Hundred years ago the French chose a Corsican as their  Emperor

Now the Americans have chosen a Black as their  President

Two Hundred years from now the Jews will choose an Arab as  Prime  
Minister of Israel

You should live so  long!


Shane Mage

> This cosmos did none of gods or men  make, but it
> always was and is and shall be: an everlasting  fire,
> kindling in measures and going out in measures."
>
>  Herakleitos of Ephesos
 
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[Marxism-Thaxis] Historical Markers (was Re: Obama’s inauguration address)

2009-01-20 Thread Shane Mage

On Jan 20, 2009, at 6:00 PM, waistli...@aol.com wrote:
> A black guy as president is  just
> . . . different. Obama is a historical marker in our history. This  
> is  a
> great moment in American history.

Historical Markers:

Four hundred years ago the English chose a Scotsman as their King

Two Hundred years ago the French chose a Corsican as their Emperor

Now the Americans have chosen a Black as their President

Two Hundred years from now the Jews will choose an Arab as Prime  
Minister of Israel

You should live so long!


Shane Mage

> This cosmos did none of gods or men make, but it
> always was and is and shall be: an everlasting fire,
> kindling in measures and going out in measures."
>
> Herakleitos of Ephesos

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[Marxism-Thaxis] Disagreeing with Marx

2009-01-20 Thread Waistline2
One can of course disagree with Marx and not be anti-Marxism, or rather  
anti- his method of inquiry. 
 
I believe that history has confirmed that Marx and Engel's were optimistic  
concerning the prospect of world revolution. They were "historically 
incorrect." 
 
Hell, I strongly disagree with the idea that the industrial proletariat was  
or is the vanguard of the communist revolution, although generations of  
communists proclaimed this as a god given truth. History, real history have  
proven 
such champions wrong for the past 150 years. 
 
Now that society is leaving the industrial form of society, it is pretty  
obvious that the industrial proletariat could never overthrow the industrial  
system. 
 
I disagree with the concept that one of the two basic classes of a social  
system can overthrow the system of which they constitute and this is most  
certainly Marx approach, or rather this seems to be his approach. The serf did  
not 
overthrow the feudal system. New classes must be formed by changes in the  
productive forces to overthrow, (as an absolute law of society), an existing  
system of producing, or, in the case of the agrarian society, the political  
institutions called feudalism. 
 
Why could the serf not overthrow the system he constituted? Capitalist as  
production logic (class) and proletarians as production logic (class) overthrew 
 
the system of "serfdom." 
 
Why on earth would one think that the working class birthed at the dawn of  
industrial production can overthrow the system of which they constitute and 
make  operational? The idea that the working class formed as the expression of 
the  industrial revolution, can overthrow the industrial system of which it 
forms, is  today ridiculous. The serf did not overthrow the system of 
production 
on which  political feudalism was erected and comrade need to think out this 
proposition. 
 
 
But Marx said . . . .
 
Why not replace Marx with God in the above? 
 
New class must be formed as the result of qualitative  changes in the 
productive forces; and these new classes are birthed in  antagonism with the 
existing 
social relations of production, and this is always  the cause of social 
revolution. Marx did not say this, or did he?  
 
Society moves in class antagonism not simply in contradiction. The serf as  
serf is not an antagonistic class in the system of which he constitutes. He  
exists in contradiction with the dominating class. 
 
The wonderful thing about being able to think out a process, that has  
evolved over the last 150 years, is being able to think for ones self. 
 
Nor does Marx give clear and precise meaning of concepts like contradiction  
or antagonism. 
 
Hell. I disagree with the concept of socialism being the negation of  
capitalism. Not because I am disagreeable or a wise guy, but because of the  
lived 
experience of the Soviets as a value producing society. This is not to say  
that 
Marx wrote something stating "socialism negates  capitalism."  
 
I also disagree that a world market existed during the time of Marx. Marx  
speaks of a world market. I say there was not a world market in the meaning of  
capitalist commodity production, but only an outline of what we TODAY know is 
a  world market existed in the 1800's. today there is a world wide 
infrastructure  making a real world market possible. 
 
Anyone at any time can pull a quote from Marx to prove anything and  this is 
no different than religious zealots with some standard quote from a  scared 
text.  Quoting Marx as some kind of God like entity is plain old  theology. 
 
WL. 
 
 
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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Obama’s inauguration address

2009-01-20 Thread Waistline2
In a message dated 1/20/2009 5:28:44 P.M. Eastern Standard Time, 
_rdum...@autodidactproject.org_ (mailto:rdum...@autodidactproject.org)   writes:
 
It's as much a load of shit to read it as to see and hear it.
 
Comment
 
There is demagogy involved in all politics. A black guy as president is  just 
 . . . different. Obama is a historical marker in our history. This is  a 
great moment in American history. Makes me want to play some Donald Byrd.  
"Women 
of the World" would sound real good right now. 

And yes,  shit happens. :-) 

And has happened. 
 
 
 
WL. 






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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] underconsumptionism (not the ultimate cause ofcrisis)

2009-01-20 Thread Waistline2
Every single regular crisis of capital, in particular, is the direct result  
of the bourgeois property form. Allow me to emphasize "regular" as meaning  
cyclical - not the revolutionary transformation (more accurately transition)  
from one mode of production to anther.  
 
Actually, "regular crisis" or cyclical crisis of capital means bourgeois  
property as the mode of producing commodities. The appearance of crisis in the  
financial, agricultural or industrial sectors, at any given point in time,  
always have its peculiar cause, which in the first and last instance is a break 
 
in circulation or in laypersons terms, crisis due to the character of 
bourgeois  production. Bourgeois property is the cause of crisis in a system of 
capitalist  commodity production. 
 
Sorry if I wrote in a manner to lead one to believe I was not speaking of  
crisis. Adding "not the ultimate cause of crisis" to the thread was meant to  
indicate I was speaking of crisis. 
 
I am not talking of "revolutionary transformation" but the source of  crisis. 
Under consumption is not the source, root cause or taproot, of the  crisis of 
bourgeois property or the bourgeois mode of production or commodity  
production on the basis of bourgeois property relations. 
 
The conflict immanent in the bourgeois form of property is expressed in the  
commodity form, with all its implications, and the commodity form of bourgeois 
 mode of producing is the cause - direct and ultimate, source of all crisis  
expressed as breach in circulation and most certainly regular crisis.  
 
In my reading of Chapter 30 in Vol. 3, I take Marx to be speaking in a  
specific context. If Marx means that the ultimate source of all crisis -  
regular 
and cyclical, in the bourgeois mode of commodity production or the  conflict 
inherent to the bourgeois property form, is under consumption of the  masses, 
then I disagree with Marx. Marx is not God. Or to be treated as a God  whose 
every utterances is to be clung to, or quoted out of context. . 
 
Its no big thing. 
 
WL. 
 
 
 

In a message dated 1/20/2009 5:09:24 P.M. Eastern Standard Time, 
_charl...@cncl.ci.detroit.mi.us_ (mailto:charl...@cncl.ci.detroit.mi.us)   
writes: 
 

In this quote, Marx is not talking about revolutionary transformation  
necessarily, but rather about the regular crises within capitalism still. 
 
Such crises may be involved in a revolutionary transformation as a sort of  
trigger, but Marx is not claiming that underconsumption is the ultimate cause 
of  revolution. 
 
Of course, poverty does contribute to revolution, but that's not the point  
in this particular quote. 
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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Obama’s inauguration address

2009-01-20 Thread Ralph Dumain
It's as much a load of shit to read it as to see and hear it.

-Original Message-
>From: waistli...@aol.com
>Sent: Jan 20, 2009 5:21 PM
>To: marxism-thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu
>Subject: Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Obama’s inauguration address
>
>Excerpt: Inaugural address.  
>http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/28751183/
>
>
>That we are in the midst of  crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at 
>war, against a far-reaching  network of violence and hatred. Our economy is 
>badly weakened, a consequence of  greed and irresponsibility on the part of 
>some, but also our collective failure  to make hard choices and prepare the 
>nation 
>for a new age. Homes have been lost;  jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our 
>health care is too costly; our schools fail  too many; and each day brings 
>further evidence that the ways we use energy  strengthen our adversaries and 
>threaten our planet. 
>
>These are the  indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less 
>measurable but no  less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land — 
>a 
>nagging fear that  America's decline is inevitable, and that the next 
>generation must lower its  sights. 
>
>Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They  are serious 
>and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of  time. 
>But 
>know this, America — they will be met. 
>
>On this day, we gather  because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of 
>purpose over conflict and  discord.
>
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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Obama’s inauguration address

2009-01-20 Thread Waistline2
Excerpt: Inaugural address.  
http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/28751183/


That we are in the midst of  crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at 
war, against a far-reaching  network of violence and hatred. Our economy is 
badly weakened, a consequence of  greed and irresponsibility on the part of 
some, but also our collective failure  to make hard choices and prepare the 
nation 
for a new age. Homes have been lost;  jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our 
health care is too costly; our schools fail  too many; and each day brings 
further evidence that the ways we use energy  strengthen our adversaries and 
threaten our planet. 

These are the  indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less 
measurable but no  less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land — a 
nagging fear that  America's decline is inevitable, and that the next 
generation must lower its  sights. 

Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They  are serious 
and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of  time. But 
know this, America — they will be met. 

On this day, we gather  because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of 
purpose over conflict and  discord.

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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Obama’s inauguration

2009-01-20 Thread Charles Brown


>>>  01/19/2009 11:56 PM >>>
Obama’s inauguration has generated and revealed profound emotions of
mass  
support for his presidency unlike anything I have ever experience. I
actually  
feel good about him being sworn into office tomorrow. Obama as
president is the 
 damnest thing to happen in my life, and none of the power of all the 

dialecticians predicted him winning the election eight - twelve months 
out of 
voting day. 

^^^
CB: Speaking on MLK Day celebration , Gloria House, long time activist
and professor in Detroit, made this same reference to the dialectic ,
the cunning and unexpectedness that history can have .  Who would have
thunk it would it ?

^^^
 
Comparing Obama to Ronald Reagan feels like a brutal mental and
emotional  
violation to me. 
 
Reagan was a rat playing to not only the racist aspects of our history,
but  
an ingrained anti-communism used to break unions and cover up
imperialist  
intrigue. Reagan proclaimed his self a counterrevolutionary (contra) in
a world  
where revolutionary wars had been waged for a running two hundred years
in  
attempts to escape imperialist exploitation. Reagan was a "uniter" in
the  
meaning of uniting a more than less reactionary mass of Americans
seeking to  
restore America to its immediate post WW II standing. It is easy to
forget that  
the 1980s under Reagan was a period of Japan bashing and China hatred
backed up  
by "Star War" militarism. 
 
Obama is nothing like Reagan in his expressed political and social
posture.  
Obama brings a new level of openness and real faith in the ability of
the  
individual to make change happen in concert with others. Reagan brought
greed  
and selfishness to the White House and ultimately help shape the greed
and "more 
 money" symbolism of many rap videos and the reality of Wall Street
greed. 
Obama  has pledged to end the war in Iraq and political pressuring is
building 
in the  ideological realm to withdraw from Afghanistan.  The armed
forces under 
 Reagan invaded one of the smallest nation/states in the world, the
island of 
 Grenada; overthrew its government and murdered its "President,"
Maurice 
Bishop. 
 
No matter what the future holds Obama is already a historical figure in
 
Americas history. 
 
People - individuals, are funny creatures and often turn out to be 
different 
from what most folks think of them. King turned out to not be the man 
the 
ruling class thought he was, although I did not know this at the time
of his  
murder. I have reason to believe we are on the threshold of a major
shift in  
foreign policy. Not less imperialism, just different. After all, there
are  
literally trillions to be made from infrastructure development across 
continental 
Africa. Plus, "Middle East policy" is in need of a shift away from 
knee jerk 
support of Israel. 
 

Millions of Americans are in motion. I shall take part in this 
celebration. 


Change comes from the bottom up. Bottom up !
 

WL.
 
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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] underconsumptionism (not the ultimate cause ofcrisis)

2009-01-20 Thread Charles Brown
In this quote, Marx is not talking 
about revolutionary transformation 
necessarily, but rather about the 
regular crises within
capitalism still.

Such crises may be involved in a 
revolutionary transformation as
 a sort of trigger, but Marx is not
claiming that underconsumption is the ultimate
cause of revolution.

Of course, poverty does contribute to
revolution, but that's not the point
 in this particular quote.

>>>  01/20/2009 4:45 PM >>>
In a message dated 1/20/2009 11:02:19 A.M. Eastern Standard Time, 
_charl...@cncl.ci.detroit.mi.us_ (mailto:charl...@cncl.ci.detroit.mi.us)   
writes: 
 
"The ultimate reason for all real crises always remains the poverty and  
restricted consumption of the masses as opposed to the drive of captialist  
production to develop the productive forces as though only the absolute   
consuming 
power of society constituted their outer limit " 
(Capital  vol.  III, Moscow, 1959, pp. 
472-73) ; quoted in The Development of  Capitalism in  Russia. 
 
 
 
WL Capital can never employed all the proletarians, all the time or (ALL OF  
THE PROLETARIAN) most of  the time, and this is a built in restriction on  
consumption, even during period of expanding consumption. This mass of  
non-producing consumers allows the capitalist to set wages. (Non-producing  
classes is 
what Marx calls it is the top portion of the material quoted above). 
 
Reply 
 
Sorry, but the first sentence needed correction. 
 
Why can the capitalists (bourgeois property) NOT  employ all the  
proletarians all of the time or all of the proletarian most of the time? The  
answer 
cannot be because of the restricted consumption of the masses. What  brings our 
society to revolution (the ultimate crisis of all crisis) is not the  
restricted 
consumption of the masses, but rather bourgeois private property, or  rather 
revolution in the mode of production, beginning with a revolution in the  
productive forces of society. 
 
New classes are formed by the introduction of new productive equipment,  that 
compels society to reorganize itself around the expanding new means of  
production. The productive forces come into conflict with the existing social  
relations of production, then a period of revolution unfolds. Here is the  
ultimate source of all crisis, in all societies founded on the private property 
 
form. 
 
Stated another way, crisis of overproduction or the crisis embodied in the  
falling rate of production as a tendency of capitalist production are simply 
the  face - an expression of something else. That something else is the meaning 
of  bourgeois private property. All crisis have as their ultimate source 
property;  private ownership of the means of production, not the restricted 
consumption of  the masses. This statement runs counter to the quote above. 
 
Anyone familiar with Marx knows that his outline of the science of society  
states in no uncertain terms that revolution is always the result of change -  
qualitative changes, in the means of production. However, one cannot explain 
any  crisis on the basic "changes in the means of production." 
 
One has to study the peculiar crisis one is addressing. 
 
The ultimate cause of crisis is not the restricted consumption of the  
masses. Is this statement proof of anti-communism and anti-Marxism? 
 
Of course not. 
 
WL
 
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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] underconsumptionism (not the ultimate cause of crisis)

2009-01-20 Thread Waistline2
In a message dated 1/20/2009 11:02:19 A.M. Eastern Standard Time, 
_charl...@cncl.ci.detroit.mi.us_ (mailto:charl...@cncl.ci.detroit.mi.us)   
writes: 
 
"The ultimate reason for all real crises always remains the poverty and  
restricted consumption of the masses as opposed to the drive of captialist  
production to develop the productive forces as though only the absolute   
consuming 
power of society constituted their outer limit " 
(Capital  vol.  III, Moscow, 1959, pp. 
472-73) ; quoted in The Development of  Capitalism in  Russia. 
 
 
 
WL Capital can never employed all the proletarians, all the time or (ALL OF  
THE PROLETARIAN) most of  the time, and this is a built in restriction on  
consumption, even during period of expanding consumption. This mass of  
non-producing consumers allows the capitalist to set wages. (Non-producing  
classes is 
what Marx calls it is the top portion of the material quoted above). 
 
Reply 
 
Sorry, but the first sentence needed correction. 
 
Why can the capitalists (bourgeois property) NOT  employ all the  
proletarians all of the time or all of the proletarian most of the time? The  
answer 
cannot be because of the restricted consumption of the masses. What  brings our 
society to revolution (the ultimate crisis of all crisis) is not the  
restricted 
consumption of the masses, but rather bourgeois private property, or  rather 
revolution in the mode of production, beginning with a revolution in the  
productive forces of society. 
 
New classes are formed by the introduction of new productive equipment,  that 
compels society to reorganize itself around the expanding new means of  
production. The productive forces come into conflict with the existing social  
relations of production, then a period of revolution unfolds. Here is the  
ultimate source of all crisis, in all societies founded on the private property 
 
form. 
 
Stated another way, crisis of overproduction or the crisis embodied in the  
falling rate of production as a tendency of capitalist production are simply 
the  face - an expression of something else. That something else is the meaning 
of  bourgeois private property. All crisis have as their ultimate source 
property;  private ownership of the means of production, not the restricted 
consumption of  the masses. This statement runs counter to the quote above. 
 
Anyone familiar with Marx knows that his outline of the science of society  
states in no uncertain terms that revolution is always the result of change -  
qualitative changes, in the means of production. However, one cannot explain 
any  crisis on the basic "changes in the means of production." 
 
One has to study the peculiar crisis one is addressing. 
 
The ultimate cause of crisis is not the restricted consumption of the  
masses. Is this statement proof of anti-communism and anti-Marxism? 
 
Of course not. 
 
WL
 
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[Marxism-Thaxis] Do you agree or disagree with the following proposition

2009-01-20 Thread Charles Brown
Re: [Marxism] Do you agree or disagree with the following proposition



To: Activists and scholars in Marxist tradition  
Subject: Re: [Marxism] Do you agree or disagree with the following proposition 
From: Rod Holt  
Date: Mon, 27 Mar 2006 09:30:26 -0800 
User-agent: Mozilla/5.0 (Macintosh; U; PPC Mac OS X Mach-O; en-US; rv:1.4) 
Gecko/20030624 Netscape/7.1 


I only questioned your second sentence: "

Marx and Engels are looking for _necessity_ to put historical
materialism
on a scientific basis.

I question whether M & E put biological necessity in their thinking
regarding the scientific nature of their general social/political
theory. You haven't addressed this question, or I have missed your point.
--rod

Charles Brown wrote:


Rod Holt

I question that necessity is the basis for the scientific nature of
historical materialism. M & E strove to extract laws from an examination of
history. These laws they believed could be verified (or falsified) by
further examination of history, and in particular, by searching out and
indentifying the forces producing the history (and the forces producing the
changes in those forces, and the changes in those changes, etc.) It was this
process -- most distinctly a process -- that justified the use of the words
"scientific socialism."


CB; I'm thinking that these laws, yes empirically found and confirmed, are
explained by finding necessary human activities, or the laws are rooted in ,
but not entirely shaped by, physical necessities, natural necessity.

In _The German Ideology_, Marx and Engels asserted an elementary
anthropological or "human nature" rationale for this conception. In a
section titled "History: Fundamental Condtions" they say:

... life involves before everything else eating and drinking, a habitation ,
clothing and many other things. The first historical act is thus the
production of material life itself. And indeed this is an historical act a
fundamental condition of all history, which today, as thousands of years
ago, must daily and hourly be fulfilled merely in order to sustain human
life."

Production and economic classes are the starting point of Marxist analysis
of human society, including in the Manifesto, because human life, like all
plant and animal life must fulfill biological needs to exist as life at all.

^^


As far as biological necessity goes, Darwin opened the door to the
notion that when the necessary collapses for one life form, it often is the
opportunity for another life form. I can't imagine M & E questioning this
line of thinking.
--rod

In a message dated 26/03/2006 21:02:38 GMT Daylight Time,
yavuztuylo...@x writes:

> Charles Brown  wrote: Do you agree or disagree
> with the following proposition:
>
> Production and economic classes are the starting point of Marxist analysis
> of human society, including in the Manifesto, because human life, like all
> plant and animal life must fulfill biological needs to exist as life at all.
> Marx and Engels are looking for _necessity_ to put historical materialism
> on a scientific basis. In human biology there is necessity, things that must
> be done.
>

Reply:

Production and the social relations which result are the starting
point...because human life, like all plant and animal life, must fulfill 
material needs
to exist as life at all.

Material instead of biological in line with materialist conception of matter
and motion as constituting basis of nature and all animal, human and plant
life.

JD




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[Marxism-Thaxis] Materialist critique

2009-01-20 Thread Charles Brown
[Marxism-Thaxis] Materialist critique
Charles Brown charlesb at cncl.ci.detroit.mi.us 
Sun Jun 22 18:03:39 MDT 2008 

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 For Women's Liberation: A  Comradely
  Critique of _The Manifesto_ and Historical 
Materialism

 (For Angela Y. Davis)




 By Charles Brown


"Because exploited classes are coerced into producing surpluses for
exploiting classes by making supply of the physiological necessities of
life to the exploited classes conditional upon their producing those
surpluses. Not only do exploited classes produce the physiological and
derivative material necessities of life for society , but they are
denied the fruits of their labor unless they supply the bosses, the
ruling classes with super fruits."



   To me _The Manifesto of the Communist Party_ remains
extraordinarily
persuasive of the historical epoch of which we are today still a part. 
The argument
of the Manifesto is convincing in part because it is consistently
courageous in
intelligently critiquing the order of the powers that be. Then, as now,
the ruling
class ruins and murders those who so take them on. Famous examples in
our country are
Nat Turner,  Marcus Garvey, Martin Luther King, Malcolm X, Fred
Hampton, Paul Robeson and the Communist Party en masse.

   However, _The Manifesto_ shows  cowardice , and more
bourgeois than communist
finesse in dealing with marriage, the family, patriarchy and monogamy.
Marx and Engels
say the bourgeoisie accuse the communists of wanting to abolish the
monogamous family
when the bourgeoisie have already in fact done so.  Then they cleverly,
artfully,
correctly show how the bourgeois, male chauvinist practices of
adultery, prostitution
and related activities have already in actual fact abolished the
monogamous family,
although it hypocritically remains the law and custom.
  Marx and Engels dodge the dialectical requirement that they
present an
affirmative, not just negative aspect, to their critique of bourgeois
society's form
of the family. They defer to the taboo against even discussing sex
positively,
affirmatively, fulfillingly.
   What is the Communist proposal for the next forms of the
family ?  Given
Marx and Engels'' dialectical, evolutionary-revolutionary perspective
on every other
institution, presumably for them, the mode of the family changes along
with the mode
of production and the state. But they mention in the Manifesto no
family equivalent in
reproduction to the formula "abolition of private property" in
production or "working
class as the ruling class" in politics and the state. We would not
expect them to
speculate a full utopian idea of the family, but at least give us a
hint as they do in
political economy.
  To me this all demonstrates the European taboo on public (and
much private),
revolutionary discussion and critique of reproductive institutions and
practices ( the
mode of reproduction) is even stronger than that on revolutionary
criticism of
productive institutions and practices, that is the mode of production.
Freud's
breaking of this taboo has continuing value today, with all of his
faults.
  Marx and Engels did creep up on telling the truth about the
revolutionary
direction of the development of the family. Many years after the
Manifesto, in  _The
Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State_ , Engels gained a
lot of courage
that had been lacking.  Engels also published many years after they had
been written
by Marx the "Theses on Feuerbach", the fourth of which says:

   "  Feuerbach starts out from the fact of religious
self-alienation, of the
 duplication of the world into a religious world and a
secular one. His
  work consists in resolving the religious world into its
secular basis.

  But that the secular basis detaches itself from itself
and establishes

  itself as an independent realm in the clouds can only be
exploited
  by the cleavages and self-contradictions within this
secular basis.
  The latter
   therefore, in itself be both understood in its
contradiction and
   revolutionised in practice. Thus, for instance, _after
the
  earthly family
   is discovered to be the secret of the holy family, the
former must
  then itself be destroyed in theory and practice_"
(emphasis added,
  C.B)


   So, Marx knew that monogamy would be revolutionised and
"destroyed". He
just did not shout it, the way he did "expropriate the expropriators"
and the like.

   Let us examine the issue a little more deeply.  By the
Manifesto ev

[Marxism-Thaxis] O, Dialectics!

2009-01-20 Thread Charles Brown
[Marxism-Thaxis] O, Dialectics!
Steve Gabosch bebop101 at comcast.net 
Thu Jun 2 18:45:46 MDT 2005 

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Charles, your logic below unsuccessfully explains the relationship between 
human biology and human society.  You merely repeat something no one 
disputes.  All animals reproduce, just as they all breathe, and would die 
without doing so.  But only humans produce - and probably would not even 
survive as animals anymore if they did not do so.  The key question in my 
opinion is to address just what humans do that is new and different from 
other species.  What makes humans "human"?  Clearly, the answer begins with 
production and related activities.  What is it about production and related 
activities, such as intergenerational transmission of culture, language, 
etc., that allows human collectives to continually transform both nature 
and themselves (including their methods of reproduction, family systems 
etc.)?  A dialectical analysis of this continual process requires, in my 
opinion, a grasp of the fundamental "logic" of how human social labor and 
production creates an entirely new domain of life-existence unknown in 
non-human species.  To see how little your paragraphs below contribute to 
this kind of understanding - I am not saying this about you, just the 
passages you offer below - substitute the term "respiration" for 
"reproduction" below - or for that matter, substitute any essential 
biological function.  Humans would die from the lack of any of them 
(digestion, excretion, etc. etc.).  You make this point yourself 
explicitly.  But this point that humans absolutely require a successful 
biological existence to become the historical creatures we have become is 
certainly true, but unenlightening - even, if you will allow me to put this 
sharply, trivial, if that is as far as one goes.  Who would dispute 
you?  The challenge is to explain how we grew from being once upon a time 
*just* mammals to the sociological humans we are today - and the communists 
we aspire to be in the future.  This line of inquiry is what Marx and 
Engels invented, and which I encourage all to continue developing.

Again to put it bluntly, simply placing an equal sign between biology and 
sociology does not seem to contribute anything of much value that I can 
see.  On the other hand, showing how the biological becomes sociological is 
very helpful. How did humanoid primates became historical beings?  For 
example, a study into the role cultural transmission plays in production 
and socio-historical development, the investigation you suggested yesterday 
- based, I would urge, on the classical Marxist insights into the role of 
production in history as the motor force of the creation of humanity - 
could well qualify as such a helpful piece.  That is my motivation for 
encouraging you to pursue your insights and studies on this - I believe 
this kind of study enhances Marxism and human science.  On the rich 
question of reproduction that you raise below, much study is needed there, 
too - on how modes of reproduction have originated and developed in 
history, and how forms of reproduction, family systems, etc. have been 
major motor forces in the development (forward, backward, sideways and 
other ways) of human society and human psychology.  Perhaps this is another 
formal piece of writing you could work on.  Good luck!

- Steve




At 11:32 AM 6/2/2005 -0400, Charles Brown wrote:

>Actually , this essay ( rough copy here) is not on the issue that Steve
>suggested I develop. But it does deal with the anthropological passages at
>the beginning of _The German Ideology_ that are close to the one Steve first
>adduced for discussion.
>
>As I read this essay, I am claiming that M and E are not materialist enough
>in the GI. I don't have the part here, but in _The Origin of the Family,
>Private Property and the State_ Engels has much more advanced anthro
>knowledge than in _The G I_ , and in the Preface , he says production AND
>the family are cofundamental in determining _history_.
>
>   I sent this to Thaxis several years ago
>
>http://lists.econ.utah.edu/pipermail/marxism-thaxis/1998-April/008694.html 
>
>Charles
>
>
>For Women's Liberation : Whoever heard of a one genearation species ?
>
>
>  Every Marxist knows the A,B,C's of historical
>materialism or the materialist conception of history.
>The history of all hitherto existing society, since the
>breaking up of the ancient communes, is a
>history of class struggles between oppressor and
>oppressed.
>  In The German Ideology, Marx and Engels
>asserted an elementary anthropological or
>"human nature" rationale for this conception.
>In a section titled  (in one translation)
>"History: Fundamental Conditions" , they say:
>

[Marxism-Thaxis] Marxist Feminism

2009-01-20 Thread Charles Brown
Marxist Feminism

http://userpages.umbc.edu/~korenman/wmst/marxist_fem.html
The following discussion seeking to define/explain Marxist feminism took place
on WMST-L in August 1994.  For additional WMST-L files now available on the
Web, see the WMST-L File List.
=== 
Date: Mon, 22 Aug 1994 21:30:16 CDT 
From: Lisa Auanger  
Subject: question: marxist feminism?
 
Please excuse the apparent basicness of this question. Although  I have seen and
heard the term `marxist feminism' or `marxist feminist' used, I have never been
satisfied with explanations of its meaning.  How would or do list members define
these?  How closely connected are marxist feminists with the fundamental texts 
of
Marxism?
Thanks, Lisa Auanger c513024  @  mizzou1.missouri.edu
 
= 
Date: Tue, 23 Aug 1994 00:54:19 -0700 
From: DENISE M DALAIMO  
Subject: Re: Marxist Feminism
 
[Introductory remarks deleted]
 
I'll try to be brief and relay to you what I interpret Marxist
Feminism to be.  As for the connection to Marx and his writings,
the main connection I have seen is to Friedrich Engels' (Marx's
collaborator and friend, AND one of the "fathers of Marxism") *The
Origin of the Family, Private Property, and the State* (1845).
This book addressed what many "Marxists" had not, (they were more
interested in workers' oppression, not women's oppression).  It
showed how changes in the material conditions of people affect
the organization of their family relations.  Engels argued that
monogamous marriage is a social institution that has nothing to
do with love and everything to do with private property ($).  He
wrote that if women are to be truly emancipated from men, they
must be economically independent.
 
Contemporary Marxists Feminists, as I have seen it, don't usually
deal directly with reproductive or sexual concerns, i.e.
contraception, sterilization, abortion, pornography,
prostitution, sexual harassment, rape, and woman battering, like,
say a radical feminist might.  They seem to be more focused on
things like the concerns of working women.  They help us to
understand how the institution of family is related to
capitalism; how women's domestic work is trivialized and not
considered "real work"; and basically how women are given the
most unfulfilling, boring, and/or low-paying jobs.  These are all
offered as partial explanations for gender oppression.
 
Please forgive the brief, necessarily partial, and definitely
personal and subjective perception of Marxist Feminism.  If
you're really interested in a discussion of Marxist, as well as
Liberal, Radical, Socialist, Psychoanalytic, Existentialist and
Postmodern Feminism, take a look at Rosemarie Tong's *Feminist
Thought: A Comprehensive Introduction* (1989 Boulder: Westview
Press). It's a few years old now, but in my humble opinion, the
best of it's kind.
 
Best, Denise
 
-
 
Denise M. DalaimoOffice Phone: (702) 895-3322
Univ of Nevada LV   E-mail Address:
Dept of Sociology  neese  @  pioneer.nevada.edu
4505 Maryland Pkwy
Las Vegas, NV 89154-5033
Jean Nidetch Women's Center
  (702) 895-0605
 
"Forget the night, my sisters, take back your minds"  -Elena Featherston
-
= 
Date: Tue, 23 Aug 1994 08:57:09 -0500 
From: Linda Coleman  
Subject: marxist feminism
 
For a sampling of marxist feminist texts, you might take a look
at either the 1st, 2nd, or latest edition of the textbook Feminist
Frameworks (McGrawHill pub.).  The argument there, I think, is that
for marxist feminists the intersection of class and gender is the
primary starting point for critical/political action and analysis.
--
Linda S. Coleman
Eastern Illinois University
cflsc  @  eiu.edu
 
= 
Date: Tue, 23 Aug 1994 17:17:52 -0500 
From: Benay Blend  
Subject: Re: marxist feminism
 
Carolyn Merchant also offers a good definition of Marxist feminism in
_Death of Nature_, as well as in several of her other works.
Benay Blend
blend  @  alpha.nsula.edy
 
= 
Date: Wed, 24 Aug 1994 15:03:36 CST 
From: Rebecca Hill  
Subject: Re: question: marxist feminism?
 
It all depends on which "Marxist Feminist" you read/talk to. Some Marxist
feminists base their discussion on the relationship of women to production,
others use a Marxist theory to develope an analysis of women as a class,
which seems to me to go above and beyond the "narrow economism" of more
orthodox Marxist feminists. 

[Marxism-Thaxis] Being determines consciousness.

2009-01-20 Thread Charles Brown
Being determines consciousness.

However, being determines
 consciousness discontinuously.
("primarily and ultirmately").
 Meanwhile, in between time,
 being and consciousness are
 reciprocally determiining.

Being , in the form of class struggle, 
determines consciousness in history. 
However, the revolutions
 which are the points of 
determination or change
 by class struggle are
 intermittent and rare. 
Most of the time consciousness 
or ideology is not changing,
 is not in a revolutionary
 state of transformation. 
Most of the time society is 
in a status quo, a relative
 equilibrium , is not changing
 fundamentally.

This is somewhat analogous 
to the punctuated equilibrium 
 of Stephen Jay Gould in natural
 history, with the punctuations 
being the revolutions when being
 determines, asserts itself, like the
 roof falling in periodically asserts
 the law of gravity, when
 contradictions reach a crisis.

It is the long equilibria that 
cause the confusion and make
 people think that consciousness
 has determined being in history,
 or the idealist error.

Also, there is a sense in which 
consciousness as a system of
 ideas does determine people's
 conduct. When an idea grips 
the masses , it becomes a material
 force; and lots of ideas grip the
 masses. In fact , the masses
 only act based on ideas that 
grip them. What revolutions do
 is change the system of ideas
 that determines peoples' conduct. 
And only class struggles change 
systems of ideas or ideologies. 
This is the fundamental sense
 of being determines consciousness 
or the theory of historical materialsim.

Thus, the most practically 
reasonable and rational course
 is for the working class of our 
era to overthrow capitalism and 
establish socialism. This would
 be the optimum for the class 
self-interest of the working class ,
 collectively and individually 
in its billions of people. Yet, we 
are in a lag time, the long lag
 time of the "equilibrium" before
 the punctuation of revolution. 
Irrational ideas of many types 
compete with the rational idea 
of revolutionary class struggle 
for gripping the working masses.
 False consciousness is 
determining being, keeping it 
stuck in capitalist relations of production.

Do any of the fancy Marxist theories 
which interrogate the principle 
of being determines consciousness
 have solutions to the riddles of the
 irrational, anti-class self-interest 
ideologies, systems of ideas and 
images which are gripping the 
masses and blinding them to 
their historic revolutionary mission ? 
That is a question on c
onsciousness for today's challengers to materialism who also claim to
 be Marxist in some sense.

An even more fundamental 
understanding of consciousness 
must come through an augmented
 Marxist feminism. As the historically 
constituted class of oppressed 
and exploited reproductive or c
aring laborers, the creators of 
subjects en masse, women have 
been the uncredited makers of 
consiousness in history. This is 
not just in childrearing , although that is obviously important, but in all 
caring labor which is critical in
 shaping  and repairing the self. 
This includes housework, for the
 house or the home is that shelter
 where the adult self is itself away
 from work in the capitalist daily
 geography of the person.Thus, 
women's liberation and recovery
 of women's history is fundamental
 to the science of consciousness.

http://archives.econ.utah.edu/archives/m-fem/1998m07/msg6.htm

Charles Brown





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[Marxism-Thaxis] Second Industrial Revolution

2009-01-20 Thread Charles Brown
Second Industrial Revolution


>From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia


The Second Industrial Revolution (1871-1914) involved significant
developments for society and the world.

End of the second phase


The end of the second industrial revolution or second phase of the
industrial revolution has not been properly defined, since it would mean
that the beginning of the third phase of the industrial revolution would
also have to be considered. This is a difficult problem for the core of the
industrial revolution is often linked to power sources and power usage. The
first phase of the industrial revolution had coal or wood-generated steam
power at its core. The second phase of the industrial revolution had the
internal combustion engine and electrical motors and generators at its core.

While some might surmise that the rise of nuclear power should mark the
start of the third phase, it would clash with the fact that, with the
exception of France, industrial economies depend less and less on nuclear
power for their energy, and that, again with the exception of France, power
from a nuclear reactor was never the primary source of energy




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[Marxism-Thaxis] http://www.womenandprison.org/contributors.html

2009-01-20 Thread Charles Brown
http://www.womenandprison.org/contributors.html 


Contributing Authors and Interview Participants 

Sheryl Abel Sheryl interview. 


Annette Anderson since taking part in the film “Turning A Corner”,
I have in much amazement been approached by people that I have never
seen come up to me and tell me how they enjoyed watching it. I just
celebrated 5 years clean and sober. I feel great. I still do some
service work and I work for Circle Management. I take care of my mom who
just turned 80 years old. I really enjoy helping those who are less
fortunate than myself. My relationship with my husband is great. We have
excellent communication with each other and spend a lot of quality time
together. My family and I have grown closer. They are so proud of the
positive changes I have made in my life. I want to thank the staff from
“Beyondmedia Education” for all that they have done to help me stay
and be inspired. Annette's interview. 

Joanne Archibald is the Associate Director at Beyondmedia. She worked
at Chicago Legal Advocacy for Incarcerated Mothers (CLAIM) for 14 years,
beginning as Advocacy Coordinator, and then working as Advocacy Project
Director and Associate Director. She serves on the Advisory Board of
Grace House, a transitional program for women exiting the prison system.
Joanne's interview. 

Gina Autrey was born in a small town in South Carolina. She grew up in
a loving home, with her parents and her sister. Throughout her
childhood, she was never problematic or in any trouble; she was an honor
student at a private Christian school from grades six through twelve.
She got married at eighteen and started her family soon after. So, how
did this good, wholesome, caring mother of two end up in prison? this is
the story of one woman's painful journey from the lowest depths of
imprisonment to a life of renewed determination and independence. She
found within herself the strength to overcome the betrayal and
abandonment by those whom she thought she could love and trust. she rose
from the depths of imprisonment to become an independent, hard working,
loving mother who still takes the time to help and encourage those who
are incarcerated. She has become an advocate for those who are too
afraid to speak up for themselves and a friend to those in need.
"Excerpt from Banished Pride." top

Barrilee Bannister was one of seventy-eight women sent to a male prison
in Arizona run by the Corrections Corporation of America, where they
were sexually assaulted and harassed by male staff. Barrilee organized
the women, contacted the media and launched a lawsuit, which resulted in
their return to Oregon, a public apology and the firing and disciplining
of many of the involved guards. She has been released from Coffee Creek
Correctional Facility, Oregon's only women's prison. She is the founder
and co-editor of the quarterly zine "Tenacious: Writings from Women in
Prison." Read Barrilee's article, "The Harassment Continues." top

Donnie Belcher is a senior at DePaul University, majoring in Education.
A published poet, Donnie also writes for the DePaula, the school
newspaper, and Melanin, a new teen magazine written for and by African
American young women. She serves on the executive board of Black Student
Union, an umbrella organization for all of the Black organizations on
campus. Donnie's mother was imprisoned from the time she was in
preschool until she was eight years old. Read her "Letter to a Formerly
Incarcerated Mother." top

Mary Field Belenky, Ed.D. is an educator, researcher, and writer who
focuses her work on women's intellectual and ethical development. She
studies projects and organizations that enable marginalized and silenced
women to gain a voice, claim the powers of the mind, and have a fuller
say in the way their families and communities are being run. A
co-founder of the Vermont Women's Prison Project, she is a co-author of
Women's Ways of Knowing and, more recently, A Tradition That Has No
Name. She also co-edited Knowledge, Difference, and Power: Essays
Inspired by Women's Ways of Knowing. Read the article she co-authored on
The Vermont Women's Prison Project top

Hilda Berghammer Hilda's interview. top

Diana Block is a member of the planning committee of the California
Coalition for Women Prisoners and part of the editorial collective,
which produces its newsletter, The Fire Inside. She is also a member of
the steering committee of the California Coalition for Battered Women in
Prison. Her writings about women prisoners have appeared in various
journals and papers, including Sojourner, Off Our Backs and The San
Francisco Bay View, and she has been a presenter at numerous conferences
and workshops about women prisoners and the issue of incarcerated
survivors. She is currently a member of the Board of Directors of the
San Francisco Women's Building and was a founding member of San
Francisco Women Against Rape in the early seventies. Read her article,
"A Case of Battered Justice: Theresa Cruz, fighting do

[Marxism-Thaxis] Finding necessary determinations in human affairs is social science

2009-01-20 Thread Charles Brown
Necessity is a main form of 
determination. When science 
discovers necessary connections, 
it finds determinations. These
 are also objective conditions 
and natural laws.

Marx claims that
there are necessary 
connections in human
society and affairs.

But some of those necessary
connections are maintained
only by the force of state power
behind private property relations,
the laws of private property, exploiter/
exploited relations.  These necessary
 connections are abolished in the 
Realm of Freedom.  The other two levels of 
necessary connections - meeting
 physiological
necessaries and "obeying" the
 necessities
of "physics" in general, natural
 laws, persist
 in communism, as does the 
materialist epistemological principle
that practice is the test of theory
(2nd Thesis on Feuerbach; central
thesis of the book _Materialism
and Empirio-Criticism_ by Lenin) persist
 in communism.

CB

Finding necessary determinations in human affairs is social science
Charles Brown 
Previous message: [Marxism-Thaxis] Second Thesis on Feuerbach as Mother wit 
Next message: [Marxism-Thaxis] _Capital_ as science 




The interesting thing to me
 is that on the sort of fundamental 
issue in dispute - are human
 activities subject to scientific
 investigation and understanding
 - Jerry agrees with the thinkers 
who he uses the denigrating
 terminology to refer to. Jerry 
and the post/structuralists and
 postmodernists are philosophical
 idealists, in terms of the Marxist
 philosophical analytical categories.
 Those who say there is and can
 be no social _science_ are
 philosophical idealists; because
 they claim that there are no
 objective or necessary
 determinations of human history.
 The real dispute here is between
 idealists and materialists. 
Foucault , Butler and Monaco are 
on the same side in that dispute. 
The claim that politics, history, 
law, literature et al can only be 
understood "humanistically" is
 philosophical idealism, in the 
sense that Marx and Engels use
 that analytical category. By the 
way, positivism reduces to philosophical idealism, as Lenin demonstrates in _
Materialism and Empirio-Criticism_ 

Charles 







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[Marxism-Thaxis] Third level of materialism

2009-01-20 Thread Charles Brown
Third level of materialism



Third level of materialism 

Let me suggest a third level
 of materialist determination,
 derived from the struggle 
between the Marxists and the 
structuralists/post-moderns, 
et. al. 

The superstructure is 
_determined_ when it is changed. 
It is changed only rarely, 
in revolutions. Revolutions
 are rare, by definition; in 
"punctuations". Most of the 
time of history, society is
 in convention or "equilibrium",
 not revolution. In conventional 
times, it is the superstructure 
of ideas that determines 
individual people's conduct. 
There is determination by
 ideas, ideology. Thought 
the _system_ of ideas, "cultural 
grammar"
determines the actions by 
individual "beings". 

Only when practice of ideas 
comes into such crisis as to
 create a system changing 
contradiction in the system of
 ideas ( the cultural "grammar" 
in Levi-Straussian structural 
anthropology) does a
 revolution arise. 

This system and convention
 changing crisis and contradiction
 between practice and ideas systems
 is what Marx describes in his 
famous passage below (as
well as in miniature in the 
Theses on Feuerbach , mostly
succinctly the 2nd Thesis.)


"At a certain stage of their 
development, the material productive 
forces of society come in conflict 
with the existing relations of 
production, or - what is but a 
legal expression for the same thing 
- with the property relations 
within which they have been at 
work hitherto. From forms of 
development of the productive
 forces these relations turn into 
their fetters. 

Then begins an epoch of social 
revolution. With the change of
 the economic foundation the
 entire immense superstructure
 is more or less rapidly transformed.
 In considering such transformations
 a distinction should always be 
made between the material 
transformation of the economic 
conditions of production, which 
can be determined with the precision
 of natural science, and the legal, 
political, religious, aesthetic or 
philosophic - in short, ideological
 forms in which men become 
conscious of this conflict and fight
 it out. Just as our opinion of an 
individual is not based on what he 
thinks of himself, so can we not
 judge such a period of transformation
 by its own consciousness; on the
 contrary, this consciousness must
 be explained rather from the 
contradictions of material life, 
from the existing conflict between
 the social productive forces and 
the relations of production. " 

Preface of A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy 


http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1859/critique-pol-economy/preface-abs.htm
 









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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] underconsumptionism

2009-01-20 Thread Charles Brown


>>>  01/20/2009 6:32 AM >>>


"The ultimate reason for all real crises always remains the poverty and  
restricted consumption of the masses as opposed to the drive of captialist  
production to develop the productive forces as though only the absolute  
consuming 
power of society constituted their outer limit " 
(Capital vol.  III, Moscow, 1959, pp. 
472-73) ; quoted in The Development of Capitalism in  Russia. 
 

Comment 
 
Capital can never employed all the proletarians, all the time or most of  the 
time, and this is a built in restriction on consumption, even during period  
of expanding consumption. This mass of non-producing consumers allows the  
capitalist to set wages. (Non-producing classes is what Marx calls it is the 
top  
portion of the material quoted above). 

Lets try and get behind under consumption as an "ism." 
 
"Under consumption" as an "ism" is a distinct body of politics. The calling  
card of every Social Democrat has always been and remains the battle cry of  
"raise the consuming capacity of the masses." It is the ideology of under  
consumption of the masses, as an "ism," that establishes the political unity  
between capital and its various production units being strangled by a break in  
circulation; the social democrats and their efforts to win the masses to  
preservation of capitalism. 

^^^
CB: Agree. The Keynesian Social Democrats, who come to dominate Social 
Democracy after the Russian Revolution ( Before the Russian Revolution, the 
Social Democrats were the Marxists, in Germany in the first place, where the 
Kautsky led Social Democratic Labor Party had had Engels as a member, had lots 
of members of Parlianment. Then most Social Dems became renegades from Marxism 
around WWI.  After the Russian Revolution,  the next wave of Social Democracy 
was based on Keynes' theory which was based on the part of the truth of 
capitalism which is expressed in the Marxist theory of under-consumptionism, or 
literally from the quote from Marx, "restricted consumptionism".


 
The social democrats American brand, are neatly lining up behind President  
Obama, demanding to raise the consuming capacity of the masses, with an $800  
million spending package promising jobs. Under consumption as an "ism" is  
actually a coherent thought and ideology.  Under consumption as an "ism" is  
pure 
social democratic ideology and politics. One ought not raise concession  
battles to the level of an "ism." 
 
For one to say for instance, the financial crisis of 2008 is ultimately  
related to "restricted consumption of the masses" is just silly. Capital can  
never continuously employed all the proletarians and this is a built in  
restriction on consumption, even during boom times or during periods of  
expanding 
consumption. 
 
Society faces a permanent, unrelenting crisis in/of fixed  capital, which can 
no longer be mitigated by market expansion or deepening  by credit extension. 
Unlike during the time of Marx the falling rate of profit  cannot today be 
overcome on the basis of quantitative market expansion. During  Marx crisis 
could be mitigated through market expansion and the creation of a  real world 
market with colonies. Marx use of the term "world market" meant an  outline of 
a 
world market. Today there is a "for real" world market. In 1850 and  1860 there 
was not.  
 
Dead labor consumes living labor in the absolute sense. During the time of  
Marx dead labor consumption of living labor was mitigated through conversion of 
 a sea of humanity from serfs to modern proletarians and the employed working 
 class expanded in absolute terms. The entire system expanded. Advanced 
robotics  and computerized production process introduces a new quality in to 
the 
game.  Capital is hitting the historical wall
 
Permanent overcapacity in virtually every industry and not just  
overproduction or under consumption is the new reality and this did not exist 
in  1870. 
Permanent overcapacity finds capital feeding on itself in search of  profits. 
Not surplus value but profits or valueless wealth. Valueless wealth is  
impossible and cannot stand for long.  
 

WL. 
 

"Let us suppose that the whole of society is composed only of  industrial 
capitalists and wage-workers. Let us furthermore disregard price  fluctuations, 
which prevent large portions of the total capital from replacing  themselves in 
their average proportions and which, owing to the general  interrelations of 
the entire reproduction process as developed in particular by  credit, must 
always call forth general stoppages of a transient nature. Let us  also 
disregard the sham transactions and speculations, which the credit system  
favours. 
Then, a crisis could only be explained as the result of a disproportion  of 
production in various branches of the economy, and as a result of a  
disproportion 
between the consumption of the capitalists and their accumulation.  But as 
matters stand, the replacement of the capita

[Marxism-Thaxis] SPECIES-BEING AND HUMAN EVOLUTION

2009-01-20 Thread Charles Brown
SPECIES-BEING AND HUMAN EVOLUTION: REMARKS ON HARRELL'S "MARX AND
CRITICAL THOUGHT" 
Jeremy J. Shapiro

https://people.sunyit.edu/~harrell/billyjack/marx_crt_shapiro.htm

  return to contents 


[1] From its origins, the critical theory of society has operated with
a conception, or at least a preunderstanding, of human nature or the
human "essence" in relation to which it has criticized the alienation
and inhumanity of industrial society. Although critical theory has
always tried to make its critique "immanent" it has always supported its
immanent critique on a quasi-"transcendent" notion of the potentialities
of human beings that are deformed and disfigured in capitalist (and
"socialist") society. At the same time, it has attempted to delimit its
conception of human nature from metaphysics and "philosophical
anthropology" and derive it materialistically from the concrete genesis
of the human species. 

[2] Bill Harrell's discussion of Marx and critical theory is, with
regard to both content and style, in the best tradition of enlightened
Marxian humanism. His focus on the notions of rational labor and the
essence of human nature certainly are in accord with Marx's own deepest
intentions, and he is correct in pointing to the ambivalence of the
Frankfurt School with regard to the notion of an "essential, "
cross-cultural "human nature." Agreeing with Harrell that "the full
critical potentiality of Marx requires the development of a conception
of man which is substantive and unambiguous", I should like, in what
follows, to pursue the tendency of his own argument and add more
substance to the critical conception of human nature or "essence" that
he has proposed. For he is certainly right in insisting that critical
social theory is bound to suffer from contradictions and weaknesses as
long as it has not clarified this fundamental question. 

[3] The main problem for critical theory posed by the idea of an
"essence" of human nature is the origin of the contradiction between the
human essence and its distortion in concrete human societies. Socialist
theory assumes that the capacities that enable human beings to bring
about socialism, such as rationality, freedom, undistorted
communication, and what Harrell calls "rational labor" are part of the
inventory of human nature: that is, they are part of what Marx called
the human "species-being." If this Is so, that is, if these capacities
are not fortuitous products of a particular historical stage (that has,
in any case, been left behind us) then we must assume that they
appertain to the species homo sapiens per se.  This leads to two
questions, the first for the theory of evolution, paleontology, and
anthropology, the second for critical social theory. The first question
is, what is the evolutionary origin of the basic human capacities for
rationality and freedom that, under the conditions of advanced
industrial civilization (or any other conditions) make socialism
possible? The second is, how can we account for the evolutionary
emergence of these capacities at the origin of history as
potentialities, which nevertheless have been suppressed and distorted
for the entirety of history? How in other words, can we account for homo
sapiens being rational for at least a quarter of a million years, in the
sense of having the cognitive, communicative, and existential capacity
to live in and create a rational society, and yet have conducted the
entire course of its history up through the present in irrational,
oppressive, mystified, and mystifying social structures and
institutions? It is the real intellectual difficulty presented by this
second question that has deterred critical social theorists from
developing a theory of the human essence. 

[4] This difficulty arises from the practical impossibility of
answering the question within the conceptual framework within which
evolution and history have been considered since the middle of the
nineteenth century. According to our intellectual tradition, there are
at root two alternative explanations of the origin of species
characteristics: Divine or Darwinian -- that is, either through a
momentary, supernatural act of creation, or through the emergence of a
species out of its ancestors through variation and natural selection.
Since the first explanation is excluded, we are left only with the
second: that the human species emerged from homo erectus around 250,000
years ago (much longer by some estimates), since which time we have had
a basically fixed human species, which has not undergone any further
significant biological evolution. There is no place in this explanation
for the emergence of a potential or essence that evolves as suppressed
potential disfigured essence, only to re-emerge aeons later as a more
urgent potential at a more favorable time. That is why the theory of
evolution, as it has been elaborated by anthropologists and social
theorists, divides the genesis of rationality into two stages. The first
is the biologi

[Marxism-Thaxis] Marx's theory of species-being

2009-01-20 Thread Charles Brown
Marx's theory of human nature


Marx's theory of human nature occupies an important place in his
critique of capitalism, his conception of communism, and his
'materialist conception of history'. Marx, however, does not refer to
"human nature" as such, but to Gattungswesen, which is generally
translated as 'species-being' or 'species-essence'. What Marx meant by
this is that humans are capable of making or shaping their own nature to
some extent. According to a note from the young Marx in the Manuscripts
of 1844, the term is derived from Ludwig Feuerbach’s philosophy, in
which it refers both to the nature of each human and of humanity as a
whole [1]. However, in the sixth Thesis on Feuerbach (1845), Marx
criticizes the traditional conception of "human nature" as "species"
which incarnates itself in each individual, on behalf of a conception of
human nature as formed by the totality of "social relations". Thus, the
whole of human nature is not understood, as in classical idealist
philosophy, as permanent and universal: the species-being is always
determinated in a specific social and historical formation, with some
aspects being of course biological.

Contents [hide]
1 The sixth thesis on Feuerbach, and the determination of human nature
by social relations 
2 Needs and drives 
3 Productive activity, the objects of humans and actualisation 
3.1 Humans as free, purposive producers 
3.2 Life and the species as the objects of humans 
3.3 Humans as homo faber? 
4 Human nature and historical materialism 
4.1 Human nature and the expansion of the productive forces 
4.2 Human nature, developing needs, and class struggle 
5 Human nature, Marx's ethical thought and alienation 
5.1 Alienation 
6 Gerald Cohen's criticism 
7 References and further reading 
7.1 Primary texts 
7.2 Accounts prior to 1978 
7.3 Recent general accounts 
7.4 The debate over human nature and historical materialism 
8 Footnotes 
9 See also 
 


[edit] The sixth thesis on Feuerbach, and the determination of human
nature by social relations
Norman Geras claimed in Marx's theory of human nature (1983) that
although many Marxists denied that there was a "human nature" to be
found in Marx's words [1], there is in fact a Marxist conception of
human nature which remains, to some degree, constant throughout history
and across social boundaries. The sixth of the Theses on Feuerbach
provided the basics for this interpretation of Marx according to which
there was no eternal human nature to be found in his works. It states:

Feuerbach resolves the essence of religion into the essence of man
[menschliche Wesen = ‘human nature’]. But the essence of man is no
abstraction inherent in each single individual. In reality, it is the
ensemble of the social relations. Feuerbach, who does not enter upon a
criticism of this real essence is hence obliged:

1. To abstract from the historical process and to define the religious
sentiment regarded by itself, and to presuppose an abstract - isolated -
human individual. 
2. The essence therefore can by him only be regarded as ‘species’,
as an inner ‘dumb’ generality which unites many individuals only in
a natural way. [2] 
Thus, Marx appears to say that human nature is no more than what is
made by the 'social relations'. Norman Geras's Marx's Theory of Human
Nature, however, offers an extremely detailed argument against this
position [2]. In outline, Geras shows that, while the social relations
are held to 'determine' the nature of people, they are not the only such
determinant. In fact, Marx makes statements where he specifically refers
to a human nature which is more than what is conditioned by the
circumstances of one's life. In Capital, in a footnote critiquing
utilitarianism, he says that utilitarians must reckon with 'human nature
in general, and then with human nature as modified in each historical
epoch' [3]. Marx is arguing against an abstract conception of human
nature, offering instead an account rooted in sensuous life. While he is
quite explicit that '[a]s individuals express their life, so they are.
Hence what individuals are depends on the material conditions of their
production' [4], he also believes that human nature will condition
(against the background of the productive forces and relations of
production) the way in which individuals express their life. History
involves 'a continuous transformation of human nature' [5], though this
does not mean that every aspect of human nature is wholly variable; what
is transformed need not be wholly transformed. Marx did criticise the
tendency to 'transform into eternal laws of nature and of reason, the
social forms springing from your present mode of production and form of
property' [6], a process sometimes called "reification". For this
reason, he would likely have wanted to criticise certain aspects of some
accounts of human nature. Some people believe, for example, that humans
are naturally selfish - Kant [7] and Hobbes [8] [9], for example. (Both
Hobbes and Kant t

[Marxism-Thaxis] Marx's primary feminism:From this relationship one can therefore judge man’s whole level of

2009-01-20 Thread Charles Brown
>"From this relationship (that between women and men in a given society-
CB) one can therefore judge man’s whole level of
development "( in a given society-CB)

- Karl Max Economic and   
Philosophic 
Manuscripts of 1844


Here Marx enunciates an extremely
 high standard of feminism
 for Marxism

Br'er Rabbit

^^^

See passage from Marx here 

http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1844/manuscripts/comm.htm 



...In the approach to woman as the spoil and hand-maid of communal
lust
is expressed the infinite degradation in which man exists for himself,
for the secret of this approach has its unambiguous, decisive, plain
and
undisguised expression in the relation of man to woman and in the
manner
in which the direct and natural species-relationship is conceived. The
direct, natural, and necessary relation of person to person is the
relation of man to woman. In this natural species-relationship man’s
relation to nature is immediately his relation to man, just as his
relation to man is immediately his relation to nature - his own
natural
destination. In this relationship, therefore, is sensuously
manifested,
reduced to an observable fact, the extent to which the human essence
has
become nature to man, or to which nature to him has become the human
essence of man. 


>From this relationship one can therefore judge man’s whole level of
development. From the character of this relationship follows how much
man as a species-being, as man, has come to be himself and to
comprehend
himself; the relation of man to woman is the most natural relation of
human being to human being. It therefore reveals the extent to which
man’s natural behaviour has become human, or the extent to which the
human essence in him has become a natural essence - the extent to
which
his human nature has come to be natural to him. This relationship also
reveals the extent to which man’s need has become a human need; the
extent to which, therefore, the other person as a person has become
for
him a need - the extent to which he in his individual existence is at
the same time a social being. 


The first positive annulment of private property - crude communism -
is
thus merely a manifestation of the vileness of private property, which
wants to set itself up as the positive community system. 





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[Marxism-Thaxis] Sexual instinct and the social

2009-01-20 Thread Charles Brown
As sexual instinct is an 
instinct that shapes a _social_
 relationship it is different
 than some other instincts. 
Since culture or symbolic
 systems or social structures
 or_social_ construction by 
symbol systems constitute 
socialities or social relations, 
the social feature of biological
 sexuality impinges on that 
social structure in a way that 
other instincts like thirst or
 hunger do not. Thirst and 
hunger relate body and object. 
Sex relates body and body,
 i.e. is social. 
This why sexual instinct impinges
 on _social _structure in a way 
that other instincts do not. It is 
directly and immediately social. 

As humans are a uniquely
 social species, the social , 
and therefore the 

cultural (which is essentially
 social; the symbolic is founded
 in sociality) has much more
 pervasive importance in our
 lives than it does in other 
species. This is the underlying
 truth of the cultural anthropology
 schools like Levi-Straussian structuralism.
 It is this principle that Butler
 is correctly championing. 
Ironically, the exception to 
this principle in her area of
 emphasis, sexuality. 

On sex uniting the natural and 
the social, see quote from Marx 
from Econ and Philosophic
 Manuscripts of 1844 previously posted. 

Br'er Rabbit 





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[Marxism-Thaxis] Symbolic

2009-01-20 Thread Charles Brown
Does this mean you are 
defending the concept that
 the social is built upon the
 exchange of women amongst 
men? robert wood 
 CB: No . This passage 
from Marx is not on that topic. 
By and large this is referring to
 a one-on-one, an intimate one-on-one. 

( As an aside, on that topic, 
note that in one-to-one 
correspondence between 
women and men ,
 isomorphism/ group theory 
algebra _Les Structure
 Elementaire de la Parente ;
 between the groups, from 
one angle the men might be
 seen as exchange the women,
 from another angle the women 
might be seen as exchanging the 
men, peu t'etre; but I'm not talking 
about that here.) 



The vast human social is mainly
 built out of the symbolic, 
language, culture. It's critical 
use and uniqueness in origin 
was the exchange of messages 
between dead and living 
generations ( although of course
 there is a lot of symbolic 
exchange within the living generation. ). 







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Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] underconsumptionism

2009-01-20 Thread Waistline2


"The ultimate reason for all real crises always remains the poverty and  
restricted consumption of the masses as opposed to the drive of captialist  
production to develop the productive forces as though only the absolute  
consuming 
power of society constituted their outer limit " 
(Capital vol.  III, Moscow, 1959, pp. 
472-73) ; quoted in The Development of Capitalism in  Russia. 
 

Comment 
 
Capital can never employed all the proletarians, all the time or most of  the 
time, and this is a built in restriction on consumption, even during period  
of expanding consumption. This mass of non-producing consumers allows the  
capitalist to set wages. (Non-producing classes is what Marx calls it is the 
top  
portion of the material quoted above). 

Lets try and get behind under consumption as an "ism." 
 
"Under consumption" as an "ism" is a distinct body of politics. The calling  
card of every Social Democrat has always been and remains the battle cry of  
"raise the consuming capacity of the masses." It is the ideology of under  
consumption of the masses, as an "ism," that establishes the political unity  
between capital and its various production units being strangled by a break in  
circulation; the social democrats and their efforts to win the masses to  
preservation of capitalism. 
 
The social democrats American brand, are neatly lining up behind President  
Obama, demanding to raise the consuming capacity of the masses, with an $800  
million spending package promising jobs. Under consumption as an "ism" is  
actually a coherent thought and ideology.  Under consumption as an "ism" is  
pure 
social democratic ideology and politics. One ought not raise concession  
battles to the level of an "ism." 
 
For one to say for instance, the financial crisis of 2008 is ultimately  
related to "restricted consumption of the masses" is just silly. Capital can  
never continuously employed all the proletarians and this is a built in  
restriction on consumption, even during boom times or during periods of  
expanding 
consumption. 
 
Society faces a permanent, unrelenting crisis in/of fixed  capital, which can 
no longer be mitigated by market expansion or deepening  by credit extension. 
Unlike during the time of Marx the falling rate of profit  cannot today be 
overcome on the basis of quantitative market expansion. During  Marx crisis 
could be mitigated through market expansion and the creation of a  real world 
market with colonies. Marx use of the term "world market" meant an  outline of 
a 
world market. Today there is a "for real" world market. In 1850 and  1860 there 
was not.  
 
Dead labor consumes living labor in the absolute sense. During the time of  
Marx dead labor consumption of living labor was mitigated through conversion of 
 a sea of humanity from serfs to modern proletarians and the employed working 
 class expanded in absolute terms. The entire system expanded. Advanced 
robotics  and computerized production process introduces a new quality in to 
the 
game.  Capital is hitting the historical wall
 
Permanent overcapacity in virtually every industry and not just  
overproduction or under consumption is the new reality and this did not exist 
in  1870. 
Permanent overcapacity finds capital feeding on itself in search of  profits. 
Not surplus value but profits or valueless wealth. Valueless wealth is  
impossible and cannot stand for long.  
 

WL. 
 

"Let us suppose that the whole of society is composed only of  industrial 
capitalists and wage-workers. Let us furthermore disregard price  fluctuations, 
which prevent large portions of the total capital from replacing  themselves in 
their average proportions and which, owing to the general  interrelations of 
the entire reproduction process as developed in particular by  credit, must 
always call forth general stoppages of a transient nature. Let us  also 
disregard the sham transactions and speculations, which the credit system  
favours. 
Then, a crisis could only be explained as the result of a disproportion  of 
production in various branches of the economy, and as a result of a  
disproportion 
between the consumption of the capitalists and their accumulation.  But as 
matters stand, the replacement of the capital invested in production  depends 
largely upon the consuming power of the non-producing classes; while the  
consuming power of the workers is limited partly by the laws of wages, partly 
by  
the fact that they are used only as long as they can be profitably employed by  
the capitalist class. The ultimate reason for all real crises always remains 
the  poverty and restricted consumption of the masses as opposed to the drive 
of  capitalist production to develop the productive forces as though only the  
absolute consuming power of society constituted their limit. 
 
_http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1894-c3/ch30.htm_ 
(http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1894-c3/ch30.htm)   Vol 3 Chapter 
30. 
 
 

[Marxism-Thaxis] Musin’ on the Motown Review

2009-01-20 Thread Waistline2
« Standing in the Light of Detroit Waiting for Steveland » Musin’ on the  
Motown Review 
 
 
 
With the exception of a squabble over a siblings gift, or later years of  
toppled trees from too much paternal drink - traumatic then, now fading into 
the  
place where, if one is lucky, unpleasant memories go - our Christmases were  
idyllic indeed. 
 
But few of my holiday memories are better than the Motown, aka Motortown,  
Revue. 
 
*** 
 
In an annual Christmas week ritual of the 60’s, for a few years Motown’s  “
Cavalcade of Stars” staged shows for throngs of Detroiters, black and white,  
but mostly black, who lined up around the Fox Theatre. It was better than the  
movies, the circus and Ice Capades wrapped up in one. 
 
Standing in line we shook with cold and anticipation as we waited in our  new 
coats and dresses, crinolines starched tutu stiff and quivering like  
antennae. Excited boys pulled loose from grown-ups, finger-poppin’ and  
Temptation 
Walkin’, imitating their favorite singers on the icy sidewalk. 
 
Finally the doors burst open and the show began. Some of the artists were  
famous, some new; grueling bus tours, concerts and the Motown machine were  
molding them all into professionals. 
 
The Contours, one of the earliest Motown groups, clowned and sang in the  old 
soul way, a doo-wop vaudeville that was smoothed out of Motown’s newer acts  
though we loved them just the same. The Marvelettes were fine with hair piled  
high, fringes shimmering in the lights. They sang “Mr. Postman” with the  
counterpoint claps and we thought they were as good as the Supremes - though of 
 
course there was no use arguing, the Supremes were the Supremes. 
 
There was light eyed, light skinned, light voiced Smokey, he and his  
Miracles made the girls swoon and scream, though I shared my Momma’s judgment,  
that 
he could neither really dance nor sing so well, but was still a genius,  that 
was easy to see. 
 
“Just like Pagliacci did, I try to keep my sadness hid”, a cultured if  
ungrammatical lyric, one line out of thousands that Smokey inscribed. We danced 
 
to his intellect, sang to his rhymes; each new record proof he was a gifted  
urban bard. 
 
Then there was the moment when the incredible 4-Headed Microphone appeared  
onstage, heralding the coming of the Temptations. The medley of their songs  
began and they took the stage: sleek, dark archangels of cool, archetypal urban 
 
Black men, symbols of the Motor City. 
 
Marvin Gaye and Mary Wells, Velvelettes and Vandellas, took and shook the  
stage. We applauded the “stars”, though they performed at local clubs and high  
schools and could always be seen outside the headquarters of Motown, or 
driving  around town in pastel Cadillacs.
 
 
 
full 
_http://marshamusic.wordpress.com/2008/10/20/musin-on-the-motown-review/_ 
(http://marshamusic.wordpress.com/2008/10/20/musin-on-the-motown-review/) 
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