Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] G.A. Cohen Goes Home
Your unrelenting idiocy is a shining example of the senility of CP Marxism. Otherwise, I think that Cohen was worthless, not even interesting in comparison with the revival of Marxism that mushroomed in the '60s. At 04:01 PM 8/10/2009, c b wrote: >From: jkschw1 at yahoo.com >To: "marxist philosophy" >Subject: [marxistphilosophy] G.A. Cohen Goes Home >Date: Fri, 7 Aug 2009 17:57:20 + > >Unless I missed it the death the other day of Jerry Cohen attracted no >comment on a list devoted to Marxist philosophy. I know that as first >a founder of analytical Marxism, then as a refugee from Marxism to >liberal egalitarianism, he was not favored among the participants >here. But IMHO he was one of the most influential and important >Marxist thinkers of the latter half of the 20th century, and his >legacy requires comment. > >^^ >CB: Cohen may have been important , but he was not unusually >influential among Marxist thinkers. This conclusion can only be >reached from the tendencies in Marxism that dismiss the Marxism of >CP's and Trotskyist parties, and thinkers in these sections of Marxism > >^ > >Not much time here but I will note a few thoughts; > >- In the context of a sharp decline in the quantity and quality of >Marxist theory, > >^ >CB: This is a position held by only a section of Marxists, >particularly academic and anti-Party Marxists. > >^ > >Cohen and the AMs stood for the disconnection of >theory from practice, > > >CB: A telling admission, given that Marx himself put so much emphasis >on the unity of theory and practice. "Philosophers (like Cohen) have >interpreted the world in a number of ways; the thing is to change it." > > > >the entrenchment of Marxism as another academic >exercise. In some ways this was not their fault giving the collapse of >Marxism as a movement and a force in the world. > >^ >CB: This ignores that the Communist Party is the ruling party of >China, Cuba, Viet Nam, parts of India, et al., and the revolutions in >South America , which though they don't announce it, are obviously >part of the Marxist movement. > >^ > >- Cohen helped bring a level of rigor and precision in Marxist >thinking that had been sorely lacking for a very long time. > >^^^ >CB: This is an assertion that is not demonstrated nor accepted by >many Marxists. >It's also a self-serving claim by Analytical Marxists. >^ > > If it's >complained that his work lacked popular accessibility, what are we to >say about Adorno, a favorite here who gets wide discussion? > >- Cohen's major work on Karl Marx's Theory Of History is very >valuable, but went down the wrong track in reviving a stagist, >mechanical, primacy of the productive forces 2d Internat'l conception >of historical materialism. (Possibly due in part to his roots in the >Canadian CP.) > >^ >CB: Why not say that his alleged greater rigor and precision are the >results of his roots in the Canadian CP ? > >^ > > True, Marx gave that view a lot of space, but Cohen almost totally >neglected Marx's alternative class struggle view, which I think is >more true and valuable and gets no less, arguably more, space. Brenner >is far better on this (and no less rigorous). > >^ >CB: A "rigorous" look at actual history today would lead one to a more >"stagist" view. And of course CP's , including the Canadian , give >much primacy to "the class struggle view". So, this is a typical >slanderous claim about CP's. If the alternative to the "stagist" view >is a "class struggle" view, then the CP's don't promote a "stagist" >view. > >^^^ > >- Cohen's turn to traditional style moral philosophy as important, >first as a complement to his idea of historical materialism, then as a >replacement for Marxism and materialist analysis, was a major >retrogression. No doubt there is more ethics in Marx and Marxism than >Marx cared to admit, but Marx pointed the way in integrating these >into materialist analysis. > >^ >CB: There's a recent thread on LBO-talk discussing this. Marx doesn't >claim that capitalists are moral, he just appeals to self-interest >among workers, and appeal to self-interest is not a moral appeal. > >^^^ > >Cohen's own positive ethical views were, moreover, disappointingly >primitive and underdeveloped. See his awful Egalitarianism book, but >also earlier papers on exploitation and his paper critiquing value >theory -- a real train wreck. And I don't accept value theory myself! >I haven't carefully read the last book in Rawls. > >Btw in that book Cohen lists as the big three books on political >philosophy Rawls' A Theory of Justice, Hobbes' Leviathan, and Plato's >Republic. Marx's Capital doesn't make his cut. Given Cohen's a priori >turn to liberal morality, Marx might be happy to be left out. > > >CB: Cohen's earlier thesis is interesting to get a discussion on >Marxism going, and to demonstrate how Marxism is different than >mid-twentieth century British philosophy . However, he's no
Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] Detroit
In respect to AIG, I have not done the investigation into the rates charged to Detroit to determine if insurance of Detroit bonds required a higher premium rate. Did the failure of AIG have a racist impact on the city of Detroit? Without question Detroit's working class faces higher general insurance rates on their personal property, than Black workers in comparable economic and social circumstances outside Detroit. Say in the city of Southfield. Housing and vehicle insurance is outrageously high and this "extra-charge" - called redlining, is the structural and material relations of white supremacy/chauvinism - in respects to blacks, or as it is called by the theorist of biological race, racism. All the workers in Detroit - black, brown, "Arabic" and white, who are able to use another resident address for insurance, do so in order to receive a reduced rate of insurance. Detroit is redlined. A red mark is drawn on the map and everyone within the red zone is charged extra for being in the zone. Redlining. Highland Park is worse with it being virtually impossible to get reasonable insurance against fire. Pontiac is a basket case, with Grand Rapids and Battle Creek being most distasteful for the working poor and teetering on the verge of open fascism for blacks and the whites in the neighborhoods adjacent to the blacks. Benton Harbor has been the seen of a particularly nasty fight over voting rights. Northern Michigan and the farming areas of the state are devastated, with huge sections of our blue eyed brothers and sisters living below standards acceptable in Detroit. Detroit has muscle and proletarian fiber. The city's proletariat has to lean how to make its point understood. What needs to be understood is the class relationships and the role of the color factor in American history. Amongst the blacks the most destitute sector of the proletariat and the middle class is caught in the turning gears of capital, with the former being herded into the concentration camps called prisons. This happens to be the case throughout the state of Michigan, without regard to the color of ones eyes. This is more so true with the blacks because we were slaves and trapped on the bottom of the economic and social ladder. One might need to get out more often and visit areas beyond the city. "Ain't I blue ain't I blue. Ain't these tears in my eyes, telling you." Rather than eye color it is the dark clouds in the proletariat's eyes that cannot be ignored. Inkster is hit but so it Adrian and Allen Park. Canton, Centerline and Clearwater are facing murky waters. Eastpointe is "holding on" but my other brother by a different mother paid $105, 000 for his home in 1999, only to see the house next door sell for $45, 000 two months ago. Class politics means understanding intersection and economic logic and the spontaneous movement of those workers who are a tad bit to economically secure to be the lowest sector of the proletariat, but to economically weak to escape the cycle of capital destruction. My brother in Eastpointe is black. 65% of his neighbors are white. The proletariat as proletariat is hit hard. Everyone lost money and value. The problem is the promise capital made pro mising economic stability if we worked for them 30 - 40 years. The social contract has been ripped to pieces. Ripping the social contract apart might have racists implications but it is a class act. Everything that happens to me - the good, the bad and the ugly, has racist implications because I am a Black man in America. Easy answers are boring and make me none the smarter. Some of this shit - if not all of it, is capitalism. I was just up in Flint, Michigan. Detroit is a paradise compared to Flint. Actually, Detroit is still very beautiful. Blight and poverty is in neighborhoods zones. These zones are economic categories. The autowokers with 15 years seniority and up live in different zones than the workers making 50% less. In fact, as this horrible crisis of capital unfolds, Detroit is still economically robust. The "Hip Hop" Mayor was not all bad by any means. The "old Mayor" was stupid and arrogant. Us old heads call young men like this "young, dumb and full of come." Our young Mayor was driven by testosterone and bourgeois politics and lacked a vision based on the fact of Detroit's history. Detroit is the industrial proletariat, past, present and future. Then again, K. Kilpatrick was part of the political establishment and beholden to McNamara. This was good and bad. Housing development in Detroit has been remarkable. Remarkable becomes outstanding under politicians on the side of the proletariat. Communist know a little "something something" about money, wages, bonds and economic interest of various economic strata in the city. Since some of us know how to negotiate without being overwhelmed fro
[Marxism-Thaxis] G.A. Cohen Goes Home
From: jkschw1 at yahoo.com To: "marxist philosophy" Subject: [marxistphilosophy] G.A. Cohen Goes Home Date: Fri, 7 Aug 2009 17:57:20 + Unless I missed it the death the other day of Jerry Cohen attracted no comment on a list devoted to Marxist philosophy. I know that as first a founder of analytical Marxism, then as a refugee from Marxism to liberal egalitarianism, he was not favored among the participants here. But IMHO he was one of the most influential and important Marxist thinkers of the latter half of the 20th century, and his legacy requires comment. ^^ CB: Cohen may have been important , but he was not unusually influential among Marxist thinkers. This conclusion can only be reached from the tendencies in Marxism that dismiss the Marxism of CP's and Trotskyist parties, and thinkers in these sections of Marxism ^ Not much time here but I will note a few thoughts; - In the context of a sharp decline in the quantity and quality of Marxist theory, ^ CB: This is a position held by only a section of Marxists, particularly academic and anti-Party Marxists. ^ Cohen and the AMs stood for the disconnection of theory from practice, CB: A telling admission, given that Marx himself put so much emphasis on the unity of theory and practice. "Philosophers (like Cohen) have interpreted the world in a number of ways; the thing is to change it." the entrenchment of Marxism as another academic exercise. In some ways this was not their fault giving the collapse of Marxism as a movement and a force in the world. ^ CB: This ignores that the Communist Party is the ruling party of China, Cuba, Viet Nam, parts of India, et al., and the revolutions in South America , which though they don't announce it, are obviously part of the Marxist movement. ^ - Cohen helped bring a level of rigor and precision in Marxist thinking that had been sorely lacking for a very long time. ^^^ CB: This is an assertion that is not demonstrated nor accepted by many Marxists. It's also a self-serving claim by Analytical Marxists. ^ If it's complained that his work lacked popular accessibility, what are we to say about Adorno, a favorite here who gets wide discussion? - Cohen's major work on Karl Marx's Theory Of History is very valuable, but went down the wrong track in reviving a stagist, mechanical, primacy of the productive forces 2d Internat'l conception of historical materialism. (Possibly due in part to his roots in the Canadian CP.) ^ CB: Why not say that his alleged greater rigor and precision are the results of his roots in the Canadian CP ? ^ True, Marx gave that view a lot of space, but Cohen almost totally neglected Marx's alternative class struggle view, which I think is more true and valuable and gets no less, arguably more, space. Brenner is far better on this (and no less rigorous). ^ CB: A "rigorous" look at actual history today would lead one to a more "stagist" view. And of course CP's , including the Canadian , give much primacy to "the class struggle view". So, this is a typical slanderous claim about CP's. If the alternative to the "stagist" view is a "class struggle" view, then the CP's don't promote a "stagist" view. ^^^ - Cohen's turn to traditional style moral philosophy as important, first as a complement to his idea of historical materialism, then as a replacement for Marxism and materialist analysis, was a major retrogression. No doubt there is more ethics in Marx and Marxism than Marx cared to admit, but Marx pointed the way in integrating these into materialist analysis. ^ CB: There's a recent thread on LBO-talk discussing this. Marx doesn't claim that capitalists are moral, he just appeals to self-interest among workers, and appeal to self-interest is not a moral appeal. ^^^ Cohen's own positive ethical views were, moreover, disappointingly primitive and underdeveloped. See his awful Egalitarianism book, but also earlier papers on exploitation and his paper critiquing value theory -- a real train wreck. And I don't accept value theory myself! I haven't carefully read the last book in Rawls. Btw in that book Cohen lists as the big three books on political philosophy Rawls' A Theory of Justice, Hobbes' Leviathan, and Plato's Republic. Marx's Capital doesn't make his cut. Given Cohen's a priori turn to liberal morality, Marx might be happy to be left out. CB: Cohen's earlier thesis is interesting to get a discussion on Marxism going, and to demonstrate how Marxism is different than mid-twentieth century British philosophy . However, he's not an unusual giant among Marxist or Marxian thinkers. - Cohen was nonetheless a major influence, one of the few really original thinkers in late 20th century Marxism, along with perhaps Althusser -- who, it might argued, paralleled him in a French sort of way. The people we tend to discuss, Marx, the Western Marxists, all had their roots and did much or all of their impo
[Marxism-Thaxis] Short obit for Jerry Cohen
G. A. Cohen, 1941-2009 by James Farmelant Early in the morning on August 5th, one of the most notable left-wing political philosophers of the English-speaking world, Gerald Allan Cohen, (G. A. Cohen) or as he liked to be called by his friends, Jerry Cohen, died after suffering a massive stroke at the age of 68. Jerry Cohen was probably best known for his 1978 book, Karl Marx's Theory of History: A Defence (Oxford University Press), where he attempted to apply the techniques of analytical philosophy (including both logical analysis and linguistic analysis) to the elucidation and defense of Karl Marx's materialist conception of history. In doing so, he helped give birth to a new school Marxist thought, Analytical Marxism. This school sought to clarify Marxism, using not only the tools of analytical philosophy, along with tools of modern social science such as rational choice theory (i.e. game theory and even neoclassical economic analysis), to the clarification and defense of the theories of Karl Marx and his successors. Besides Jerry, other leading Analytical Marxists included the economist John Roemer, the political theorist Jon Elster, the economist and economic historian Robert Brenner, and the sociologist Erik Olin Wright. In this respect, Jerry Cohen offered a reading of Marx that rejected both traditional dialectical materialism, as well as the Hegelian readings associated with Western Marxist schools like the Frankfurt School as well as the structuralism of Louis Althusser. In this and other respects, this book was the product of Jerry's unique background. He was born the son of working class Jewish parents in Montreal. Both his parents were active in leftist politics, with his father active in trade unionism while his mother was a member of the Communist Party of Canada. As a young boy, Jerry Cohen for a time attended a left-wing Jewish day school that had the distinction of being raided by Quebec's red squad. That raid eventually led to the school's closure. During his teens, Jerry was active in the National Federation of Labour Youth, which was the youth arm of the Canadian Communists. He experienced the turmoil which tore the Party apart following Nikita Khrushchev's de-Stalinization speech before the Twentieth Congress in 1956 and which led to the disintegration of the National Federation of Labour Youth in Quebec. Out of this milieu, Jerry went on to attend McGill University where he studied philosophy and was active in the university's Socialist Society, of which he became president. After graduating from McGill, Jerry Cohen then went to Oxford University to pursue graduate study in philosophy, earning a B.Phil degree and becoming fully trained as an analytical philosopher. At Oxford he studied under Gilbert Ryle who was one of the leading analytical philosophers of the twentieth century (among other notable students of Gilbert Ryle include A. J. Ayer and Daniel Dennett). He also studied under the political philosopher Isaiah Berlin, who was one of the leading lights of liberal political philosophy. While Jerry remained very much a socialist and he was quite critical of Berlin's analysis of negative liberty versus positive liberty, the two men became close personal friends. After completing his studies at Oxford, Jerry Cohen stayed in the UK and took a teaching position at University College London as an assistant lecturer, lecturer, and reader in the philosophy department of that institution. It was during those years, in the 1960s and 1970s, that he began the work, which led to the writing of his famous book. He would remain at University College London until his 1985 appointment as the Chichele Professor of Social and Political Theory at All Souls College, Oxford. He would then remain at Oxford until 2008 when he took emeritus status there and accepted a new position as the Quain Professor of Jurisprudence at University College London. A full evaluation of Jerry Cohen's thought and work would be beyond the scope of this article. However, it should be noted that his thought (and the thought of his fellow Analytical Marxists) followed a distinct trajectory. They started with a focus on historical materialism, but, over time, they became more and more focused on the ethical justification of socialism. Indeed, that was the focus of his later books including Self-Ownership, Freedom and Equality (Cambridge University Press, 1995) and If you're an egalitarian how come you're so rich? (Harvard University Press, 2000). He became intrigued with the arguments of libertarian political philosophers, especially those of Robert Nozick, as expressed in the latter's Anarchy, State, and Utopia (Basic Books, 1974). Jerry was intrigued by the libertarians, both because he thought that they had provided some of the strongest arguments available in defense of capitalism and because they appealed to premises which he himself embraced. Therefore, Jerry devoted much time and energy to
[Marxism-Thaxis] Inside Story on Town Hall Riots: Right-Wing Shock Troops Do Corporate America's Dirty Work
Inside Story on Town Hall Riots: Right-Wing Shock Troops Do Corporate America's Dirty Work By Adele M. Stan, AlterNet Posted on August 10, 2009, Printed on August 10, 2009 http://www.alternet.org/story/141860/ The recent spate of town hall dustups may look like an overnight sensation, but they've been years, even decades, in the making. Since the days in the late 1970s, when the New Right began its takeover of the Republican Party, it has cultivated a militia of white people armed with a grudge against those who brought forth the social changes of the '60s. These malcontents have been promised their day of retribution, a day for which they are more than ready. Few seem to understand that they are merely dupes for a corporate agenda that will only worsen the conditions in which they live. Why, you may ask, would men of power and fame shake the rough, unmanicured hands of gun enthusiasts, conspiracy theorists, gay-haters, misogynists and racists? Because somebody's got to do the dirty work. Magnates don't like to soil their French cuffs, and it's hard for a bunch of rich guys to garner sympathy for threats to their bottom lines. It's the classic inside-outside game that the right wing of the GOP has played for the last two decades. The Health-Care Industry Executive Imagine you're an executive at a pharmaceutical company. Your U.S. operations are your cash cow; they earn you wild net profits because, unlike in other industrialized nations, you do not experience the price controls of a government-administered program in which the government negotiates for the best price on prescription drugs and devices. Along comes a government plan for health-insurance reform that includes a public, government-financed plan. The public option, they call it. As part of the plan, you will be required to negotiate with the government for the price of medications and devices to be distributed within the plan. Now that could really screw up your massive profit margins. Private plans might then insist on prices more like those the government is getting. Instead of increasing your profit by double digits in the worst year the economy has seen since the Great Depression, as did an outfit called The Medicines Co., your shareholders may have to settle for profits more in line with the overall growth of the economy. And wouldn't that just stink? Meanwhile, polls show a clear majority of Americans -- you know, regular Americans, the kind who don't want to own an AK-47, or who do accept the president's citizenship status -- favor the public option. In fact, in June, CBS News found that majority to be 72 percent. So, whaddaya do? Well, if your lobbying firm counts former Rep. Dick Armey, R-Texas, as its senior policy adviser, you don't have do much. Dick will take care of the rest through FreedomWorks, the ostensibly grassroots, nonprofit organization of anti-taxers, cold warriors and affirmative-action opponents, which he chairs. Need to make it look like regular Americans oppose the health-insurance reform bills now being considered by Congress? Make sure a handful of those angry white people turn up at the town hall meetings now being conducted by members of Congress throughout the country. Make sure they disrupt the meeting and rattle the congressperson. Capture it all on amateur video and put it up on a faux, amateur-looking Web site, and try to kid the media into thinking there's a widespread rebellion happening. After all, the media are gonna want that dramatic footage. The Republican Member of Congress Now, suppose you're a Republican member of Congress. Your party got totally throttled in the 2008 election, and if you don't derail this health care thing, it's going to be a big win for your Democratic opponents, as millions of underinsured and uninsured Americans finally have some health care coverage -- one bright spot in a largely dismal economy. Meanwhile, you get a lot of your campaign cash from health-care-related industries and from the Wall Street bankers and brokers who want to keep those profits soaring. A public option is going to stink for you, too. So, while Armey's army of taxphobes is useful to you, it would be great to get some really hard-core types to further stoke the fires -- especially if marshaled by guys who know how to really tar Democrats with racist imagery and slurs of unpatriotic behavior. That's where Grassfire.org and its brother networking site, ResistNet, come in. Sen. Jim DeMint, R-S.C., who promised to make health-care reform President Obama's "Waterloo," is a big fan. Says so right there on the Grassfire Web site. ResistNet is yet another right-wing hub for organizing the disruption of health-care town hall meetings. The Media Mogul Okay, now put on the hat of a media mogul, one who rails against the minimal restrictions the U.S. has on multi-outlet ownership, and one for whom the bottom line is everything. In fact, you actually own the Wall Street Journal. If you can nip th
[Marxism-Thaxis] Detroit
AIG insuring of Detroit city bonds was not motivated by race hate or racism but profit motive. The first question is "why did the leaders of Detroit go to AIG in the first place?" I am not aware of any evidence that Detroit seeking insurance from AIG was racially motivated. AIG’s pricing of insurance or financial products was the motivation for Detroit entering into this market relation. ^ CB: On this issue, racism should be analyzed _structurally_, not in terms of individual motivation. ___ Marxism-Thaxis mailing list Marxism-Thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu To change your options or unsubscribe go to: http://lists.econ.utah.edu/mailman/listinfo/marxism-thaxis
Re: [Marxism-Thaxis] The Detroit Election: notes. response 4
Home Rule No politically mature person in America believes white supremacy has been eradicated in America or is not expressed in some of Detroit's relations with other political jurisdictions. However, classes and segments of class respond to and articulate their response to the material impact of white chauvinism in different ways. Home rule from the standpoint of the class conscious workers and militants is the spontaneous push for block by block self organizations to contain crime and violence; restore the safety and high standards of public education, to educate our youth and to fight for a vision of what Detroit can become. The road to unity of the fighting section of our working class lay along lines of affirmative actions and fights riveted to common economic interest. For instance expansion of the public sector or government funding to alleviate poverty for all within an economic category. One opposes Mayor Dave Bing ’s plans of privatizing because it lowers the wages of workers. The workers are slowly waking up to seeing that the problem is capitalist relations of production. >> On a specific, AIG's bankruptcy caused Detroit's bond rating to fall because AIG insured it. So, now Detroit had to dedicate a revenue stream more strictly to the Wall Street thieves. AIG on the other hand was bailed out after fucking Detroit up, Wall Street bond rating companies and AIG are "white". From a structural and historical perspective,+ , to the extent that Detroit is worse than other places, the difference is due mainly to racism against a city with an 85% population, the largest percentage of any city but DC. << Comment AIG insuring of Detroit city bonds was not motivated by race hate or racism but profit motive. The first question is "why did the leaders of Detroit go to AIG in the first place?" I am not aware of any evidence that Detroit seeking insurance from AIG was racially motivated. AIG’s pricing of insurance or financial products was the motivation for Detroit entering into this market relation. Perhaps, Detroit was "redlined" by AIG, which would be pretty consistent with most insurers. However, this is not what is being discussed. Did Detroit's bond rating fall faster and lower than a comparable city doing business with AIG or in a way different from crisis situations over the past 100 years? Charging AIG with racism rather than being a non-banking financial institution contributing nothing socially useful to society, teaches the workers nothing. Minimally, calling for nationalization of the banks and dismantling the non-banking international financial institutions opens the door to a new dialogue on the issue of the free market economy. There is much that can be said and has been written about AIG domestically and AIG Financial Products (AIGFP). Based in London where the regulatory regime was less restrictive, AIGFP, took advantage of AIG statue categorization as an insurance company and therefore not subject to the same rules on capital reserves as real banks. AIG would not need to set aside anything but a tiny sliver of capital if it would insure the super-senior risk tranches of CDOs in its holdings. In other words AIG collected money from companies and institutions promising insurance in the event of default, knowing good and well that in the event of crisis, it did not have the means to honor its obligations. For the buyer of such insurance, city's like Detroit and other municipalities, the cost is insignificant for the critical benefit, which is a good credit rating. The buyer of insurance receives a good credit rating not because the instruments - bonds and insurance, are "safe" but only because the risk was insured by AIGFP. You get good credit rating because all your loans are insured. A good credit rating means the ability to borrow more money from more suckers at a lower interest rate. Detroit went to AIG for the same reasons everyone else did; a good credit rating based on imaginary assets (value) of an insurance company. The intellectual prostitutes of capital claimed AIG was safe and to big and smart to fail. The political leaders of Detroit sought out AIG and its insurance schemes as a way to improve the city's credit trust worthiness. AIG did not fuck up Detroit. Detroit was already fucked up and the reason is the free market system. The workers need to know what happened. Racism is not the answer. AIG collected money from businesses and governments institutions charging a ridiculous tiny amount for insurance, say 0.02 cents per dollar multiplied a few hundred billion times. This ridiculously tiny amount of capital/money adds up to an appreciable income stream, particularly if no reserves are required to cover the supposedly non-existent risk. Regulators were told a way had been found to remove all credit risk from
[Marxism-Thaxis] David Rovics - The Commons
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=blOeXMcapBI&NR=1 D.Göçmen http://dogangocmen.wordpress.com/ ___ Marxism-Thaxis mailing list Marxism-Thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu To change your options or unsubscribe go to: http://lists.econ.utah.edu/mailman/listinfo/marxism-thaxis
