Fair Trade Coffee Public Meeting (fwd)

1997-10-23 Thread Sid Shniad

   
 
  A PUBLIC MEETING ON FAIR TRADE COFFEE FOR CANADIANS
 
 When:   Tuesday, November 4 at 7.30 pm
 
 Where:  SFU Harbour Centre, 514 West Hastings Street, Room 1410
 (close to Sky Train, Sea Bus and public transit)
 
 
 DO YOU CLOSE YOUR EYES WHEN YOU DRINK YOUR CUP OF COFFEE?
 
 It's time to open up your eyes to the human reality.
 
 * Find out about the inhumane exploitation that is part and parcel of your
 everyday cup of conventional coffee.
 
 * Find out how, through just small actions, you can play an important part
 inbringing about change.
 
 * Find out how you can choose coffee with a taste of justice.
 
 * Find out how there is a better form of trade that values human beings and
 the environment, rather than the exploitation and environmental abuse of
 Free Trade, NAFTA and APEC.
 
 COME AND HEAR:
 
 -Gaspar Tomas, former coffee worker from Guatemala   
 
 -Bob Thomson, Managing Director, Fair TradeMark Canada
 
 -Kathleen Ruff, Oxfam Canada,
 
 
 TAKE A LOOK AT THE EVERYDAY REALITY FOR COFFEE WORKERS IN THE SOUTH THAT
 LIES BEHIND EACH CUP OF CONVENTIONAL COFFEE:
 
 *coffee workers spraying dangerous pesticides are provided with
  NO protective clothing or equipment
 
 *coffee pickers earn $2 a day for back-breaking labour - not
  enough to buy a latte
 
 *coffee workers who try to organize to improve working
  conditions are found tortured and dead
 
 IT DOESN'T HAVE TO BE THIS WAY. THIS EXPLOITATION EXISTS BECAUSE THE COFFEE
 COMPANIES AND SUPERMARKETS BELIEVE CONSUMERS DON'T CARE ABOUT THE
 EXPLOITATION OF COFFEE WORKERS.
 
 LEARN ABOUT HOW THE FAIR TRADE COFFEE MOVEMENT IS HELPING WORKERS IN THE
 SOUTH ENJOY BETTER CONDITIONS:
 
 *Fair TradeMark Canada supports small coffee producers and
  cooperatives and ensures workers are paid fairly for their
  labour
 
 *Fair TradeMark Canada is part of a global fair trade movement
 
 *Fair TradeMark Canada ensures that its ethical and quality standards
  are independently monitored
 
 *In Europe 24 million pounds of fair trade coffee was sold in
  35,000 supermarkets in 1996. Why not in Canda?
 
 
 Meeting organized by Oxfam Canada.
 
 Endorsed by VanCity Credit Union, Citizens Bank, Canadian Business for
 Social Responsibility, Sustainable Development Research Institute - UBC,
 Fair TradeMark Canada.
 
 Members of Fair TradeMark Canada include: CUSO, the United Church of Canada,
 Canadian Autoworkers, OXFAM-Canada, Steelworkers, World Vision, Ten Days for
 Global Justice, Council of Canadians.
 
 COME AND BRING OTHERS!
 
 FOR MORE INFORMATION, OR TO GET INVOLVED, CONTACT:
 
 Kathleen Ruff
 1903 - 1552 Esquimalt Avenue
 West Vancouver, BC
 V7V 1R3
 
 Phone and Fax: 926-7309
 Kathleen Ruff [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 
 






Chicago Teach-In On Labor New Alliances:detailed schedule for (fwd)

1997-10-23 Thread Sid Shniad

 Networking for Democracy
 
 presents
 the 8th Annual
 
 Midwest Radical Scholars  Activists Conference
 
 A Teach-In On Labor  New Alliances:
 Strategies for Workplace, School  Community in the 21st Century
 
 October 24  25, 1997
 
 Co-sponsored by:
 Committees of Correspondence
 Democratic Socialists of America
 Midwest Center for Labor Research
 Open University of the Left
 
 Roosevelt Co-Sponsor:
 School of Policy Studies
 
 Location: Roosevelt University
 430 South Michigan Avenue
 Chicago, Illinois
 
 Program:
 
 Friday, October 24
 12:00=F11:00 pm   =09Registration, 2nd Floor Michigan Room
 1:00 pm=09=09Book Fair Opens, Michigan Room
 
 1:00=F13:00 pm Concurrent Sessions
 
 A.  Media , Labor  Labor's Media
 Roger Kerson, editor  publisher, National News Reporter
 Bob Ginsburg, Research Director, Midwest Center for Labor Research
 Liane Chlorfene-Casten, Chicago Media Watch, Chair
 
 B.  Unfair Burdens: Working Women, Today's Inequalities  the Tasks of Unio=
 ns
 Carole Travis, Political Director, Illinois Service Employees International
 Union (SEIU)
 Anne Zacharias-Walsh
 Judy Raight, former official UAW Local 600 in Ann Arbor
 [Chair to be assigned]
 
 C.  Radical Theory: Why Dialectics? Why Now?
 Bertell Olman, Philosophy, New York University
 Peter Hudis, News  Letters
 Ron Aronson, Philosophy, Wayne State University
 Kevin Anderson, Philosophy, Northern Illinois University, Chair
 
 3:00=F15:00 pm  Concurrent Sessions
 
 A.  Labor's Alliances: Learning from History
 William Adelmen, Illinois Labor History Society
 Frank Girard, Editor, Discussion Bulletin
 Jack Metzger, Labor Education, Roosevelt University
 Rado Mijanovich, New Union Party, Chair
 
 =0CB.  New Technology, Unions  Changes in Work
 Abdul Alkalimat, Africana Studies  Sociology, University of Toledo
 Pavlos Stavropoulos, Managing Editor, English Language Edition, Democarcy 
 Nature
 Mike Parker, Labor Notes
 Jerry Harris, History, DeVry Institute of Technology
 Carl Davidson, Chicago Third Wave Study Group, Chair
 
 C.
 
 
 6:00=F17:00 pm  Dinner Break
 
 
 7:00=F19:30 pm  Plenary Session
 
 Call to Order: Carl Davidson, Conference Organizer
 Greetings from Roosevelt University School of Policy Studies
 
 Speakers:
 Helen Shiller, Alderman, 46 th Ward
 Bill Fletcher, National Education Director, AFL-CIO
 Carole Travis, Political Director, Illinois SEIU
 Manning Marable, African American History, Columbia University
 
 
 
 Saturday, October 25
 10:00 am=F112:00 Noon  Concurrent Sessions
 
 A.  Market Socialism: A Debate among Socialists
 David Schweikart, Philosophy, Loyola University: For
 Bertell Ollman, Philosophy, New York University: Against
 Rado Mijanovich, New Union Party, Chair
 
 B.  Race, Nationality  Winning Alliances
 Bill Fletcher, National Education Director, AFL-CIO
 Manning Marable, African American History, Columbia University
 Mike Goldfield, Labor Studies, Wayne State University
 [Chair to be assigned]
 
 C.  Structural Reform, Mass Campaigns  New Alliances
 Bob Brown, South Shore Communiversity
 Dan Swinney, Director, Midwest Center for Labor Research
 Harry Targ, Political Science, Purdue University
 Sondra Patrinos, Committees of Correspondence, Chair
 
 D.  Cabrini-Green and the Future of Public Housing, or Do We Really Want to
 Live in a =EBCommunitarian City'?
 Larry Bennett, Political Science, DePaul University
 Marilyn Katz
 David Peterson [to be confirmed]
 
 E.  Building Worldwide Resistance to Unfree Trade, Corporate Greed  the Ne=
 w
 Global Austerity Program
 Keith McHenry, Food Not Bombs, San Fransisco
 Two members of Baladre, an Iberian organization fighting unemployment,
 poverty and social exclusion
 panel members are presently on a North American Tour to End Corporate
 Domination
 session organizers: The Autonomous Zone (A-Zone)
 
 
 Saturday, October 25 (continued)
 
 12:00=F11:00 pm   Lunch Break
 
 1:00=F13:00 pm  Concurrent Sessions
 
 A.  Democratic Schools in a Democratic Society
 Linda Voss, Chicago elementary school teacher
 Beth Meeker, Chicago Public High School teacher
 George Searfoss, Coordinator, Labor in the Schools Program, Indiana
 University South Bend
 Edna Pardo, League of Women Voters
 Bill Ayres, Small Schools Workshop, UIC, Chair
 
 B.  Globalization, NeoLiberalism  Labor Strategy
 Kim Moody, Labor Notes
 Dave Ranney, Center for Urban Economic Development, UIC
 [third person to be named]
 Mel Rothenberg, Mathematics, University of Chicago, Chair
 
 C.  Independent Politics: Labor-Community Alliances
 Doug Gills, Center for Urban Economic Development, UIC
 Todd Reardon, Independent Progressive Political Network
 Helen Shiller, Alderman, 46th Ward
 Julie Brow, IL Committee for Proportional Representation
 Dennis Dixon, Jobs With Justice, Networking for Democracy, Chair
 
 D.  Welfare Reform,  Income Policy   Trade Unions
 John Hagedorn, Criminal Justice Dept. UIC
 Helen Slessarev, Director, Urban Studies Program, Wheaton College; author o=

New Zealand prepares for APEC

1997-10-23 Thread Sid Shniad

MEDIA RELEASE FOR IMMEDIATE USE 20 October 1997

GATT Watchdog Activist Launches Legal 
Action Against SIS Over Bungled 1996 Break-in

Prominent Auckland QC To Take Case

Fighting Fund Launched

The man at the centre of a botched NZ Security Intelligence Service (SIS) 
break-in at his Christchurch home on July 13 1996 is taking a legal case 
against the SIS. Aziz Choudry has engaged prominent Auckland QC, Dr 
Rodney Harrison to act as senior legal counsel in the case. A fighting fund, 
the Democratic Rights Defence Fund, is being launched to raise money to 
cover the costs of the legal action. 

Mr Choudry says that the break-in, which took place within two weeks of 
new legislation (the 1996 New Zealand Security Intelligence Service 
Amendment Act) expanding the scope of SIS targets, confirms concerns 
that critics of the government's free-market policies are now fair game for 
the SIS. He says that the break-in puts the lie to assurances contained 
within the legislation and reiterated by the Prime Minister that remaining 
within the law is a guarantee of freedom from SIS operations and that the 
SIS would not be used against legitimate political dissenters. 

"It is clear that such promises were made to be broken" said Mr Choudry, a 
Corso National Officer and spokesperson for the fair trade coalition GATT 
Watchdog.

"The only conceivable reasons for the break-in arose from my 
involvement with GATT Watchdog, which works to expose and 
oppose the APEC agenda and my role in organising an alternative 
forum critical of free trade held just prior to the APEC Trade 
Ministers Meeting here in Christchurch," said Mr Choudry. "This is 
thoroughly unacceptable". 

Mr Choudry and Dr David Small (who discovered the two intruders at the 
scene of the break-in) made complaints to the Inspector-General of 
Intelligence and Security about the incident, but these were not upheld. 
Neither man accepts the Inspector-General's conclusions, released this 
June. The Inspector-General's advice implicitly acknowledged that the two 
men responsible for the break-in were SIS operatives. A subsequent call for 
an independent public enquiry into the matter on the anniversary of the 
break-in was endorsed by a wide range of groups, organisations and 
unions, but met with no response from the government.

Mr Choudry intends to sue the SIS for substantial damages for trespass and 
unreasonable search.

A letter of claim has been sent to the Director of Security asking him to 
confirm or deny that the two men involved in the break-in were indeed SIS 
operatives and/or were acting on behalf of the Service.

The letter complains of the civil wrong of trespass, and of unreasonable 
search contrary to Section 21 of the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990.

The Democratic Rights Defence Fund has been set up to encourage people 
to publicly endorse the need for legal action in this case, and to raise and 
account for the money needed to take this action. The Fund's committee 
comprises Dr Jane Kelsey, Professor of Law, Auckland University; Maxine 
Gay, President of the New Zealand Trade Union Federation; Dr Jim Stuart, 
Minister of the Church of St Andrews on the Terrace, Wellington; Leigh 
Cookson of Corso; Murray Horton, CAFCA and Anti-Bases Campaign 
organiser; and Nicholas McBride of the Christchurch Community Law 
Centre. The fundraising target is $20,000.

"GATT Watchdog believes that human rights violations and the 
suppression of legitimate dissent go hand in hand with the market model of 
development which APEC promotes. Last year's actions set a dangerous 
precedent for the targetting of any New Zealand organisations, unions or 
individuals who exercise their democratic right of dissent and free speech 
against government policies in the future, especially bearing in mind the 
fact that New Zealand will host the major 1999 APEC meetings,. If it can 
happen to me - you could be next. The SIS - and their political masters - 
must be called to account. This legal case is one way to do that, " said Mr 
Choudry.

Donations for the Democratic Rights Defence Fund can be sent to PO Box 
1905, Christchurch.

For further comment, please contact Aziz Choudry: (03) 3662803; or 
Leigh Cookson (Democratic Rights Defence Fund) ph 03 3662803 (w) 






Re: Do the Jews Own America?

1997-10-23 Thread Doug Henwood

Louis Proyect wrote:

I am not advocating "techno-jargon". I am advocating facts about the
economy, which inevitably involve numbers. Andrew Hacker's last book was
about race relations and it simply produced page after page that showed
inequality between black and white. When black college graduates earn $753
for every $1000 earned by a white college graduate, this puts the kibosh on
Rush Limbaugh's claims that blacks have caught up.

Patrick Mason gave a very interesting talk at the New School yesterday
afternoon documenting, against the wisdom of a good bit of the economic
literature, that racial discrimination exists in the labor market, even
after correcting for education and even IQ. I don't think anyone on PEN-L
doubts this, but it still amazes me that mainstreamers believe otherwise.

But in the course of his talk, Patrick mentioned the roadblocks that
mainstream journal referees present to publication of papers showing the
material reality of racism. One was a paper arguing that there was
systematic racial bias in IQ tests. And another was his own work on
educational attainment. If you build a model to predict the number of years
of education - based on typical things like parental education, family
income, etc. - the model underpredicts black schooling. In other words,
given identical demographic backgrounds except for race, an
African-American is likely to have *more* years of education than a
similarly situtated white. Apparently this is too much for the (white)
reviewers to handle.

Doug







Re: theory of societal wealth

1997-10-23 Thread Ricardo Duchesne

 Date sent:  Tue, 21 Oct 1997 13:28:46 -0700
 Send reply to:  [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 From:   James Devine [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 Subject:theory of societal wealth

 
 





 Ricardo writes: I think we can leave aside the biblical question as to
 whether Marx used the term "labor theory of value". That's the term we now
 commonly employ; in fact, those who raised this very objection used it in
 those very missives.

Devine:
 
 Yes, let's leave aside bibilical questions (though Ricardo goes on to quote
 the "bible" at length). But a lot of people talk about something called a
 "labor theory of value" without explaining what it means. Often it's a
 Ricardian theory of price (a different Ricardo, of course). Most objections
 to the "LTV" seem to be to the Ricardian theory of price (and the idea that
 individual prices should and can be mathematically derived from individual
 values). It's always good to be clear what one is discussing, attacking, or
 defending. To make it clear what I'm talking about when I talk about the
 "labor theory of value," I'll call it the "labor theory of societal
 wealth."
 
 BTW, I think that Fred Moseley's article in his edited volume MARX'S METHOD
 IN CAPITAL (1993) is excellent on value/price relations.


The objections I am making against the LTV are ones I think Marx is 
making in the Grundrisse. 


ricardo:
 
  As far as the claim that Marx is talking about a `future society', I say
 he is talking about a future CAPITALIST society Marx will insist that
 science and technology are the creations of human beings. However the
 emphasis is no longer on "labour" or the "worker"; rather, it is on the
 "understanding of nature", "the general powers of the human mind",
 "intellect", "the application of mechanical and chemical laws" - the worker
 ceasing to be "an essential part of the process of production". Indeed,
 with automation the "human factor" is limited to overseeing - "supervising"
 - the production process


Devine:
 
 but labor still plays a role. Who repairs and programs the machines? Isn't
 supervision a kind of labor?

That's right. The question then is: if this is the only role labor is 
playing, how can we continue to hold the ltv? The only way out is to 
say that science and techonology represent past embodied labor, but 
that's not what Marx says in the Grundrisse (and I think he is right 
not to say that).  


Ricardo:

  Marx is seemingly aware that his labor theory of value is untenable in
 the context of this society; and in a revealing passage which comes soon
 after the above cited remark, he says: "Capital is itself contradiction in
 action, since it makes an effort to reduce labour time to the minimun,
 while at the same time establishing labour time as the sole measurement and
 source of wealth" (142-3). This, of course, sounds like Marx himself: on
 the one hand, he advances the LTV, on the other he knows that within
 automated capitalism the contribution of the direct laborer to the
 production process is being reduced to a minimun!


Devine:
 
 This is very much Marx: capitalism tries to abolish the role of labor in
 producing value and surplus-value. But it can't do so. So there is crisis.
 Absent the abolition of capitalism and its replacement by something else,
 however, value dominates, i.e., labor remains the source of societal
 wealth.
 
 The fact that we still have capitalism suggests that labor is still the
 sole source of societal wealth (though I don't know how this wealth could
 ever be produced solely by machines).
 
 Even before that, somewhere in CAPITAL vol. I, Marx notes that the rise in
 labor productivity implies what is nowadays called "technological
 unemployment." This addition to the reserve army of the unemployed
 depresses wages, which then encourages clinging to old "labor-intensive"
 techniques. (Something like this is part of the globalization of
 production.) This delays the day of judgement where the role of labor is
 abolished.

Ricardo:

You are moving into Marx's theory of crisis, which is a different 
issue.





 
 Ken Hanly and Gil Skillman write about the "Lockean Proviso." Even though I
 believe that Marx's labor theory of societal wealth is _more_ in the same
 league as Locke's labor theory of private ownership than Ricardo's labor
 theory of prices, I don't see the relevance of the Proviso to Marx. 
 
 Marx's theory doesn't seem to be normative in the same way that Locke's is.
 Locke is trying to justify capitalist private property morally (via
 "natural law") whereas Marx is (among other things) investigating the
 internal contradictions of an economic system which values exchange-value
 and surplus-value uber alles. Value and surplus-value are "good" only from
 a capitalist perspective.
 
 Gil writes:  ... Marx's theory of value arguably pertains to a setting
 without absolute scarcity--and also, for that matter, without increasing
 returns to scale or 

The Attack On Public Education - PART 2 of 2

1997-10-23 Thread Michael Eisenscher

Path: news.igc.apc.org!cdp!not-for-mail
From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Newsgroups: labr.teacher
Subject: Privatization,  Corporations  The Attack On Public Education
Date: 14 Oct 1997 00:09:12


RAISING STANDARDS: There is a world of difference between raising our
"expectations"for students and raising "standards." Raising our 
expectations means raising our belief in students' ability to succeed and
insuring that all the resources are there to see that they do. Raising
standards means erecting new hoops for them to jump through. 

For years Massachusetts has ranked just after Mississippi as the state with
the greatest inequality among its school districts. Vast inequalities still
remain among Massachusetts schools.  Sharply raising standards while not
equalizing resources at a common high level,
and using "high stakes" tests as the engine of reform, is setting many
thousands of children and many school districts up for failure.

Establishing a statewide core curriculum and curriculum frameworks can be
very useful steps toward educational quality and equity. My limited
conversations with teachers who have seen these frameworks in various
disciplines, however, lead me to  think that they are
being established at unrealistic levels that will assure massive student
failure. 


INCREASING STANDARDIZED TESTING: The massive increase in standardized
testing is exactly the wrong thing to do in our schools. At the very time
when educators are calling for more "critical thinking" and "higher-order
thinking skills," teaching is increasingly being driven by standardized,
norm-referenced, multiple-choice tests.   The effect will be to narrow the
curriculum and push teachers into teaching techniques geared toward
memorization and rote learning. With more focus on norm-referenced testing,
the content of education disappears, to become simply the "rank" of the
individual student.  The effect is to attack the relationships among
students and force them into greater competition with one another.
Education is more than ever reduced to a game of winners and losers. 


LOWERING THE SCHOOL LEAVING AGE: Another thrust of such plans has been to
encourage young people to leave school at an earlier age. In 1985 I was
employed by the Minnesota Education Association to help design a strategy to
defeat the reform plan proposed by the Minnesota Business Partnership. The
Minnesota Business Partnership Plan was probably the most sophisticated
education reform plan proposed in any state at the time. It proposed, among
other things, moving from a K-12 to a K-10 system, and giving a "Certificate
of Completion" to all students who successfully completed the tenth grade.
Only a select group of students projected to be about 20%  would 
then be invited back to complete grades 11 and 12. The clear effect would
have been that a great many students would end their education at age 16.


What was the sense of this proposal? The Business Partnership claimed that
the plan was designed to allow students greater "personal flexibility" and
"choice."  In fact it had a quite different purpose. Minnesota at the time
had the highest school retention rate in the country: fully 91% of
Minnesota's young people were graduating from high school, and a high
proportion of these were proceeding on to college. By encouraging tens of
thousands of young people to leave school at age 16, the Business
Partnership comprising some of the largest Minnesota corporations,  like 3M,
ConAgra, and Honeywell would have created huge new pools of cheap labor in
Minnesota, to work in stock  yards and assembly plants and flip hamburgers.   


The Massachusetts Education Reform Act of 1993 does not have exactly the
same proposal, but the Massachusetts law moves in a similar direction. In
1998 Massachusetts will require that all students pass a "high stakes" test
in the tenth grade to be eligible to graduate. At the same time, the schools
will begin offering students a "certificate of competence" upon successful
completion of the tenth grade curriculum.  What will be the effect of the
"high stakes" test, especially if dramatic steps are not taken to insure
that  the educational programs offered young people in many poorer or urban
districts are dramatically improved? I suspect that many thousands of young
people who would 
otherwise be graduating with a high school diploma will leave school instead
with a "certificate of competence" after the tenth grade. (Only 48% of
Chicago's young people recently passed the new "high-stakes" test required
for graduation.) I suggest to you that the effect of the
high stakes 10th grade test will be to lower the school retention rate, and
that it has the same purpose as the proposed Minnesota reform: to enlarge
the pool of cheap labor, and to make it seem as if it is our young people
and not our economic system that is failing. 


You may be aware that in 1995 for the first time in our history the gap
between black and white high school completion rates 

The Attack on Public Education, PART I of 2

1997-10-23 Thread Michael Eisenscher

From: Labor Video Project [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: Privatizaton,Corp  Public Education

SCHOOL REFORM AND THE ATTACK ON PUBLIC EDUCATION 
by David G. Stratman 


KEYNOTE ADDRESS
MASSACHUSETTS ASSOCIATION OF SCHOOL SUPERINTENDENTS 
 SUMMER INSTITUTE, 1997


I have two propositions I would like to put to you.

The first is that the official education reform movement in Massachusetts
and the nation is part of a decades-long corporate and  vernment attack on
public education and on our children. Its goal is: 

  --not to increase educational attainment but to reduce it;  
  --not to raise the hopes and expectations of our young people 

but to narrow them, stifle them, and crush them; 

  --not to improve public education but to destroy it.
 
My second proposition is that the education reform movement is part of a
wider corporate and government plan to undermine democracy and strengthen
corporate domination of our society.

What evidence do I have for these assertions? 

Let's look first at the long-standing campaign to persuade the American
people that public education has failed. 

This has been a disinformation campaign based on fraudulent claims,
distortions, and outright lies.

Since the publication of A Nation at Risk in 1983, there have been  numerous
reports issued, each declaring U.S. public education a disaster, and each
proposing  "solutions" to our problems. The sponsors of the many reports are
a little like the con-man  in "The Music Man," who declares, "We've got
trouble, right here in River City..." and  the chorus repeats, "trouble,
trouble, trouble,  trouble..." He just happens to be selling the  solution
to all their troubles.  How do you sell radical changes that would have been
completely unacceptable to the public a decade or two ago? You tell people
over and over that  their institutions have failed, and that only the
solutions you are peddling offer any way out of their "troubles." 


In the past couple of years, several excellent books have been published
showing in detail that these claims are false. My purpose in this talk is
not to cover the ground that these authors have already explored, but to
answer the critical question: Why are the public schools under attack?  

But let's look just briefly at a couple of the key pieces of disinformation
to which the American public has been subjected. 

The supposed dramatic decline of Scholastic Aptitude Test scores was a
fraud. These scores did decline somewhat over the period 1963 to 1977. But
the SAT is a voluntary test. It is not representative of anything, and it is
useless as a measure of  student performance or of the quality of the
schools. The scores began to fall modestly when  the range of  young people
going into college dramatically expanded in the mid-sixties.  

Did this mean that there was a lowering of student achievement during  this
period? Absolutely not. The Preliminary Scholastic Aptitude Test, or PSAT,
is a representative exam, given each year to sample student populations
across the country.  During the period in question, PSAT scores held
absolutely steady. 

Even more notable is the fact that scores on the College Board  Achievement
Tests--which test students not on some vaguely-defined "aptitude," but on
what they  know of specific subjects--did not fall but rose slightly but
consistently over the same period in which for the first time in the history
of the United States or any other country,  the sons and daughters of black
and white working families were entering college in  massive numbers. 

Berliner and Biddle comment in their book, The Manufactured Crisis, "the
real evidence indicates that the myth of achievement decline is not only
false it is a  hysterical fraud." 

How different would have been the public's understanding of what was
happening in the schools if the media and the politicians had told the
truth! How  different if they had announced that, during the period of the
greatest turmoil in American society since the Civil War, in which a higher
proportion of young people were graduating high school and going on to
college than ever before, at a rate unparalleled in any other country in the
orld, representative tests showed that overall aptitude and achievement were
holding steady or increasing? How different would have been the history of
these last decades for educators and parents and students and for public
education? 

What about the claim that U.S. business has lost its competitive edge
because of the alleged failure of public education? Anyone who has been
watching the triumphal progress of American corporations in the world market
in the last two decades or has watched the
unprecedented returns on the stock market  knows that these claims are
preposterous. But let me cite a few specific facts here:

 U.S. workers are the most productive in the world. Workers in Japan and
Germany are only 80% as productive; in 

Lubicon protest

1997-10-23 Thread Sid Shniad

Date: Sat, 18 Oct 1997 16:14:01 
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] 
From: Don Sullivan [EMAIL PROTECTED] 
Subject: ACTION ALERT, ACTION ALERT, ACTION ALERT 
 
ACTION ALERT  
 
AFTER READING PLEASE SEND THIS ALERT ON TO YOUR 
ORGANIZATIONAL E-MAIL LIST 
 
On November 3, 1997 supporters of the Friends of the Lubicons will be 
holding a informational picket at the Diashowa Packaging Plant at 1750 
Inkster Blvd. at 5:00 p.m. in the city of Winnipeg located in the province 
of Manitoba, Canada. 

We are holding the informational picket to expose Diashowa's attempt to 
quash the Friends of the Lubicons fundamental democratic right to free 
speach by SLAPPING them with a lawsuite . The Friends of the Lubicons are a 
support group who are helping to bring public attention to the blight of the 
Lubicon First Nation in Alberta, Canada. 

Should Diashowa win this court case against the Fiends of the Lubicons we 
are all next. 

We are asking for your support in two ways: 
 
First, please send us your organizational endorsement for the informational 
picket so that we can usE your groups name on our press release. Please 
email your organizational endorsement ASAP to;   
 
[EMAIL PROTECTED] 
 
Secondly, please pass this message on to your organizational e-mail list. 
We would like to have broad support locally, nationally and internationally. 
By passing on this message through the internet we hope to accomplish this 
objective. 

Should you require additional information about what is happening to the 
Friends of the Lubicons in order to endorse our informational picket please 
visit the Friends of the Lubicons Website Page at: 
 
http://kafka.uvic.ca/~vipirg/SISIS/Lubicon/main.html 
 
or phone (416) 763-7500 
 
Thank you for your support. 
 
Don Sullivan 
2-70 Albert Street 
Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada 
R3B 1E7 
Phone: 204-947-3081 
Fax: 204-947-3076 
Email: [EMAIL PROTECTED] 





Re: Do the Jews Own America?

1997-10-23 Thread Max B. Sawicky


  Today, the Jews are doing better at blending in.  We see more and more of
  them in the right wing think tanks.  I suspect that this turn of events
  might be an interesting sociological study.  Waddya think Louis?
  
 Yeah, this will go into my chapter on Jews in America. The specimen known
 as Henry Kissinger deserves close scrutiny under a microscope, especially
 in light of the mordant comedy that went on in Nixon's White House when he
 complained, "It's the Jews, Henry, it's the Jews."

For any who didn't know, the definitive treatment of this
is Joseph Heller's novel, "Good as Gold."  If you haven't
read it, stop whatever you're doing now and get a copy.

MBS



===
Max B. SawickyEconomic Policy Institute
[EMAIL PROTECTED]  1660 L Street, NW
202-775-8810 (voice)  Ste. 1200
202-775-0819 (fax)Washington, DC  20036
http://tap.epn.org/sawicky

Opinions above do not necessarily reflect the views
of anyone associated with the Economic Policy
Institute other than this writer.
===





Responses on Phil Gramm

1997-10-23 Thread John B Exdell

Thanks to all of you for the help in framing a response to Gramm's social
security speech.  Some follow-up questions:

1.  Doug Henwood says that the doomsday scenarios on SS are based on an
unrealisticaly low projection of GDP growth of 1.4%.  I believe that there
was some commission study recently that relied on this assumption in
reaching its gloomy conclusions.  What was that study?  And did they give
any reason at all for using this growth figure?

2.  Doug says that investing the SS fund in the market is also in reality
a pay-as-you-go system, since the market doesn't really supply investment
funds to any great extent.  OK, let's grant this, and agree that the
market really serves the purpose of upward redistribution.  But how do we
respond to the intuition that investing social security funds in the
market would somehow equalize the siphoning so that more working class
people would be getting in on the act?  Why wouldn't this be a virtue of 
his proposal, even if the addtional funds would not increase GDP growth?

3. Someone noted that the present system is actually mildly
redistributive, contrary to Gramm's contention that it rips off working
people.  But what about his point that working class people who start
their working lives earlier than professional people are not having a lot
of years of their labor counted in the system.  Is this a valid point?
Also - can someone give me a reference  on the redistributive nature of SS
now.  (I believe there was an article on this in Monthly Review several
years ago.)

4.  Finally, someone mentioned the income cap on social security taxes.
(What is that cap now - something like $50,000?) Is there any rationale
for the cap?  Should we be advocating that it be removed altogether, or
just raised?  How much would it help correct the predicted shortfalls?

Thanks again for your help, which I will incorporate into my op-ed
response. - John Exdell, Philosophy, Kansas State University






Re: labor theory of value

1997-10-23 Thread Ricardo Duchesne

 Date sent:  Tue, 21 Oct 1997 18:03:48 -0400 (EDT)
 Send reply to:  [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 From:   [EMAIL PROTECTED] (Shane Mage)
 To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 Subject:Re: "labor theory of value"

What discussion? You have yet to saying anything in response to 
my commentary on Marx. To say that science and automation can be 
reduced to "dated" socially necessary labor time is absurd. Devine, 
in his own way, is saying the same. Yet it is clear from my citations 
that Marx is not saying that at all.


ricardo   





 No explanation is required for a passage from a rough draft ("Rohentwurf")
 which its author chose not to use in the published version, which alone can
 be taken to represent his considered formulation.  In any case, this
 passage is no evidence that, when he was writing his rough draft for
 Kapital, Marx was afflicted by the vulgar confusion between *wealth* and
 *value*.  But in the published Kapital, vol. 1, Marx takes great pains to
 obviate any such conclusion.  This discussion shows how right he was!
 
 Shane
 
 
 
 
 If Marx leaves no such confusion, how do you explain the very
 first sentence of the passage I quoted below where Marx links
 directly the creation of "real wealth" with "labor time"?
 
 
 
  Today science and technology play a greater role in the  creation of value
  than productive labor. In the GRUNDRISSE Marx recognizes this: "But as
  heavy industry develops the creation of  real wealth depends less on labor
  time and on the quantity of labor  utilized than on the power of mechanized
  agents which are set into motion during the labor time. The powerful
  effectiveness of these agents, in its turn, bears no relation to the
  immediate labor time that their labor cost. IT DEPENDS RATHER ON THE
  GENERAL STATE OF SCIENCE AND ON TECHNOLOGICAL PROGRESS, OR THE APPLICATION
  OF THIS
  SCIENCE TO PRODUCTION." (Italics added). 
 
 
  James and Ricardo seem to share the same vulgar-economics confusion:  that
  *value* is the same thing as *wealth*.  Marx leaves no room for this
  confusion.  Value *is* the mass of socially necessary labor time embodied
  in the social product of a given period.  Wealth *is* the mass of use-value
  available to society at any given point in time for consumption, new
  investment, and maintenance of productive capacity.  Value is measured as a
  quantity of labor time exerted in the period being studied.  Use-value is
  measured as a quantity of *dated* socially necessary labor time.  The
  change in labor productivity from year x to year y is measured as quantity
  of use-value produced by  t hours of socially necessary labor time in year
  y divided by the quantity of use-value produced by t hours of socially
  necessary labor time in year x.  Clear?
 
  Shane
 
 
 
 
 





Re: Phil Gramm on SS

1997-10-23 Thread R. Anders Schneiderman

A few additions to Doug's comments:

1.  The SS system will become insolvent when the baby boom generation
become recipients in about 15 years.  The reasons are demographic.  In
1950 there were 16 workers for every beneficiary, paying 2 per cent of
their paychecks into the system.  Today there are only 3.9 workers per
beneficiary, paying over 12% of their paychecks into the system.  In 25
years there will be only 2 workers per retiree paying 18 per cent of their
earnings to keep the system solvent.  These trends are caused not only by
the one-time historic post-war birth boom, but also by the ongoing trend
of increasing life-expectancy.  (If we combine Medicare and SS, our
payroll tax will double in 25 years from 15 to 30%, bringing the marginal
tax rate for families earning between 39 and 49,000 to nearly 60%)

Among other problems, this model assumes that our population will become
elderly at a ridiculous rate:  under their assumptions, the entire U.S.
will eventually look like Florida.  If that's the case, we'll have bigger
problems than finding workers to pay for SSI.  One easy solution:  more
immigration of young workers.

4.  The solution is to get people into an "investment based system."  If
the average American worker  22 years old could put 1% of their wages into
a private investment fund through a mandatory program, assuming a
very modest growth rate of only 4%/ year, they could fully fund their
health care retirment benefit.  (He supplied parallel calculations for
Medicare.)

Like Doug said, 4% a year?  Also, Gramm's assuming that the stock market
will keep on growing--that we won't have a crash, a long period of
stagnation, etc.  that could devastate the ability of people to retire. And
what about the people who get ripped off or who make a mistake because they
don't quite know what they're doing?  Will they go live with Phil?  Right
now, SSI is a guarantee; under Gramm's plan, it becomes a casino (where, as
Doug noted, the House will get a very nice cut of the profit).

5.  The current system is not only unproductive and insolvent, it is also
unfair to poor people.  This is because the money we put into the system
counts only for the 35 years of our highest wages, typically then from
ages 30-65.  That's fine for professional people who start earning their
salaries after they finish schooling close to age 30.  But for working
class people who enter the workforce at a much earlier age, say at 16,
they are paying into the system for 14 years without getting anything
from it.  

The real problem with the system today for poor people is that the SSI
payroll tax is capped, which makes it a very regressive tax.

The other thing that might be worth pointing out is that the assault on SSI
follows to the letter the Right's blueprint for attacking govt. programs
they don't like (unlike, say, the Pentagon).  They can't come out and say,
SSI is evil, so instead they manufacture a major crisis.  Whatever this is
about, it ain't about ensuring that people who work can afford to retire.

Anders Schneiderman
Research and Education Director
Financial Markets Center






Re: Do the Jews Own America?

1997-10-23 Thread dave markland

This raises some very interesting issues. Part of the problem is that
American Jewry *is* an important part of the ruling class. It *does* wield
enormous power in Hollywood, real estate, retail and Wall Street investment
banking. This economic base allows it to shape the policies of the
Democratic Party, including the pro-Zionist tilt. Leni Brenner's book "The
Jews in America" does a good job pointing this out, including the fact that
the Jews are the main financial base of the Democratic Party. 

While one could argue that they are underrepresented in heavy industry,
petrochemical, transportation, agribusiness, etc., I hardly expect this
fact to sway the thinking of somebody who takes Nazi propaganda seriously.

It seems to me that if one engages in such an argument on their terms, one
is on a slippery slope.  For one thing, agreement would be elusive as to
what would constitute control of business and Hollywood, etc.  Further, Jews
basically _do_ run Hollywood; not just ownership, but actors,etc.  Just
check out the cast list of 90210.

Clearly, a more effective tactic would be to help these youths examine
capitalism itself.  I suppose it's closer to the truth to say the English
and Scottish run the country, but even if it were the Jews, it would make
almost no difference.

By the way, the Democrats don't need the Jews to "shape" its policies for a
"pro-Zionist tilt".  The strategic benefits of the Israel/US alliance far
outweigh such secondary considerations, as seen in the uniformity of Dem/Rep
policies and the US attitude toward Israel before 1967.

Killing In The Name

Killing in the name of!
Some of those that were forces are the same that bore crosses
Some of those that were forces are the same that bore crosses
Some of those that were forces are the same that bore crosses
Some of those that were forces are the same that bore crosses
Huh!

I always thought it was:
Some of those that work forces are the same that burn crosses
But perhaps you have the lyric sheet for it.  Oh well, 'scuse me while I
kiss this guy.

Regards,
Dave






Re: Do the Jews Own America?

1997-10-23 Thread Louis N Proyect

On Thu, 23 Oct 1997, michael perelman wrote:

 
 Jews, as neuvaux riche, wanted to shout with pride about their
 accomplishments.  By calling attention to themselves, they made themselves
 more vulnerable to charges of control.  In addition, by gravitating to the
 lower ranks of business, they found themselves close to the point of
 contact with other ethnic groups, as the Koreans or Middle Easterners
 today.
 
 Today, the Jews are doing better at blending in.  We see more and more of
 them in the right wing think tanks.  I suspect that this turn of events
 might be an interesting sociological study.  Waddya think Louis?
 

Yeah, this will go into my chapter on Jews in America. The specimen known
as Henry Kissinger deserves close scrutiny under a microscope, especially
in light of the mordant comedy that went on in Nixon's White House when he
complained, "It's the Jews, Henry, it's the Jews."

Louis P.






Re: Do the Jews Own America?

1997-10-23 Thread Bill Burgess


On Wed, 22 Oct 1997, Louis Proyect wrote:

 This raises some very interesting issues. Part of the problem is that
 American Jewry *is* an important part of the ruling class. It *does* wield
 enormous power in Hollywood, real estate, retail and Wall Street investment
 banking. This economic base allows it to shape the policies of the
 Democratic Party, including the pro-Zionist tilt. Leni Brenner's book "The
 Jews in America" does a good job pointing this out, including the fact
that the Jews are the main financial base of the Democratic Party. 
 
 While one could argue that they are underrepresented in heavy industry,
 petrochemical, transportation, agribusiness, etc., I hardly expect this
 fact to sway the thinking of somebody who takes Nazi propaganda seriously.
 
But as you know it is not only those inclined to take Nazi propaganda
seriously who emphasize the division between finance etc. and industry.
Keeping the signficance of the former in proper proportion is necessary to
argue against the conspiracy theories. So if there is any accessable
summary of corporate ownership/control by ethnicity I would appreciate the
reference. And are Jews the main financial base of the Republicans as
well?

Bill Burgess






Re: Responses on Phil Gramm

1997-10-23 Thread Doug Henwood

John B Exdell wrote:

1.  Doug Henwood says that the doomsday scenarios on SS are based on an
unrealisticaly low projection of GDP growth of 1.4%.  I believe that there
was some commission study recently that relied on this assumption in
reaching its gloomy conclusions.  What was that study?  And did they give
any reason at all for using this growth figure?

It comes from the annual reports of the trustees of the SS system, and is
based on projections of labor force growth plus productivity growth. There
is strong evidence of an inverse relationship between LF and productivity
growth (see Cutler et al, "An Aging Society: Opportunity or Challenge?,"
Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1990:1, pp. 1-73). When I told the SS
system's chief actuary, Steve Goss, about this, he said he'd never heard
such a thing. I gave him the reference, but I doubt we'll see this in next
year's report.

2.  Doug says that investing the SS fund in the market is also in reality
a pay-as-you-go system, since the market doesn't really supply investment
funds to any great extent.  OK, let's grant this, and agree that the
market really serves the purpose of upward redistribution.  But how do we
respond to the intuition that investing social security funds in the
market would somehow equalize the siphoning so that more working class
people would be getting in on the act?  Why wouldn't this be a virtue of
his proposal, even if the addtional funds would not increase GDP growth?

So we divert more money into the market even as GDP growth remains
unchanged. Then we'd be equalizing stock ownership to a minor degree as
valuation levels become ever more stratospheric.

And who votes the shares that the working class nominally owns? Not the
working class, I'll bet.

4.  Finally, someone mentioned the income cap on social security taxes.
(What is that cap now - something like $50,000?) Is there any rationale
for the cap?  Should we be advocating that it be removed altogether, or
just raised?  How much would it help correct the predicted shortfalls?

I was told that the original Congressional intent in financing the SS
system was that it should always be funded by taxes on labor, not capital.
So if you conceptualize salary incomes above a certain level as
fundamentally returns to capital, this makes perfect sense.

I say remove the cap and tax capital income too.

Doug








Re: Financial Crisis (fwd)

1997-10-23 Thread Sid Shniad

Got it direct.  Thanks.
 
 X-From_: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Thu Oct 23 09:29:52 1997
 Date: Thu, 23 Oct 1997 09:16:01 -0400 (EDT)
 From: Arthur Cordell [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 X-Sender: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 To: future [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 Subject: Financial Crisis
 Sender: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 Precedence: bulk
 
 
 Some background reading that may be especially interesting these days.
 
 
 -- Forwarded message --
 Date: Tue, 21 Oct 1997 13:16:51 -0400
 From: Michel  Chossudovsky [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 
   THE GLOBAL FINANCIAL CRISIS
  
  by 
 
  Michel Chossudovsky
 
 The writer is Professor of Economics at the University of Ottawa and has
 written widely in issues of international finance and macro-economic
 reform. He is the author of "The Globalization of Poverty, Impacts of IMF
 and World Bank Reforms", Third World Network, Penang and Zed Books, London,
 1997. 
  
 Copyright by Michel Chossudovsky, Ottawa 1997. All rights reserved. (This
 text can be posted, for publication in printed form, contact the author). 
 
 The author can be contacted at [EMAIL PROTECTED], fax: 1-613-7892050.
 
 
 Black Monday October 19, 1987 will be remembered as the largest one day
 drop in the history of the New York Stock Exchange overshooting the
 collapse of October 28, 1929, which prompted the Wall Street crash and the
 beginning of the Great Depression. In the 1987 meltdown, 22.6 percent of
 the value of US stocks was wiped out largely during the first hour of
 trading on Monday morning... The plunge on Wall Street sent a "cold shiver"
 through the entire financial system leading to the tumble of the European
 and Asian stock markets...  
 
 Almost ten years later on Friday August 15, 1997, Wall Street experienced
 its largest one day decline since 1987. The Dow Jones plummeted by 247
 points. The symptoms were similar to those of Black Monday: "institutional
 speculators" sold large amounts of stock with the goal of repurchasing them
 later but with the immediate impact of provoking a plunge in prices.
 Futures' and options' trading played a key role in precipitating the
 collapse of market values. 
 
 The tumble on August 15, 1997 immediately spilled over onto the World's
 stock markets triggering substantial losses on the Frankfurt, Paris, Hong
 Kong and Tokyo exchanges. Various "speculative instruments" in the equity
 and foreign exchange markets were used with a view to manipulating price
 movements. 
 
 In the weeks that followed, stocks continued to trade nervously. Wide
 speculative movements were recorded on Wall Street; billions of dollars
 were transacted through the NYSE's Superdot electronic order-routing system
 with the Dow swinging spuriously up and down in a matter of minutes. The
 Asian equity and currency markets declined steeply under the brunt of
 speculative trading. In a three week period the (Hong Kong) Hang Seng Index
 had declined by 15 percent. The Japanese bond market had plunged to an all
 time low. 
 In turn, billions of dollars of central bank reserves had been appropriated
 by institutional speculators. (The Thai Central Bank lost more than ten
 billion dollars of its official reserves in the period extending from June
 through September 1997). 
 
 Business forecasters and academic economists alike have casually
 disregarded the dangers alluding to "strong economic fundamentals"; G7
 leaders are afraid to say anything or act in a way which might give the
 "wrong signals"... Wall Street analysts continue to bungle on issues of
 "market correction" with little understanding of the broader economic
 picture. 
 
 In turn, public opinion is bombarded in the media with glowing images of
 global growth and prosperity. The economy is said to be booming under the
 impetus of the free market reforms. Without debate or discussion, so-called
 "sound macro-economic policies" (meaning the gamut of budgetary austerity,
 deregulation, downsizing and privatisation) are heralded as the key to
 economic success. 
 
 The realities are concealed, economic statistics are manipulated, economic
 concepts are turned upside down. Unemployment in the US is said to be
 falling yet the number of people on low wage part-time jobs has spiralled.
 The stock market frenzy has taken place against a background of global
 economic decline and social dislocation. 
 
 Table 1: Single-Day Declines on Wall Street
 
 (Dow Jones Industrial Average, percentage change)

  
 October 28, 1929-12.8%   
 October 29, 1929   -11.7%
November 6, 1929-9.9%
August 12, 1932   -8.4%
October 26, 1987  -8.0%
 July 21, 1933  -7.84%
 October 18, 1937   -7.75%
 October 5, 1932 -7.15%
 September 24, 1931   -7.07%
 
 
 October 19, 1987   

Re: Do the Jews Own America?

1997-10-23 Thread Wojtek Sokolowski

At 03:45 PM 10/22/97 -0400, Louis Proyect wrote:

"Teenage kids of an Iranian friend of my family have been reading Nazi-type
web pages and have become convinced that Jews own all of Hollywood and in
fact most of the US economy. This came up in a discussion I had with them
about Iran and Israel and US support for Israel (whether it is mainly
because Jews control US policy). 
-snip--


This raises some very interesting issues. Part of the problem is that
American Jewry *is* an important part of the ruling class. It *does* wield
enormous power in Hollywood, real estate, retail and Wall Street investment
banking. This economic base allows it to shape the policies of the
Democratic Party, including the pro-Zionist tilt. Leni Brenner's book "The
Jews in America" does a good job pointing this out, including the fact that
the Jews are the main financial base of the Democratic Party. 


Louis:

The problem with dealing with those kind of arguments is that people have
become so infatuated with techno-jargon of economics, poli-sci, or sociology
(numbers, graphs, charts, statistics and what not) that they lost their
capacity to comprehend standard English or basic rules of logical reasoning.

The fact that there are Jews in the ruling elites tells more about the
elites than the Jews.  In the same vein, the fact that most members  of the
US ruling elites are male, and the elite policies are pro-Zionist does not
mean that all or most males in the US are pro-Zionist.  This kind of faulty
reasoning can be refuted with elementary logic showing the absurdity of the
Nazi claims equating Jewish elites with all Jews.

In other words, it can be easily demonstrated without a recourse to
techno-jargon that the elite behavior not only does NOT represent the
behavior of all people sharing the same ethnicy; but also that ethnicity has
little, if any, influence on the elite behavior.  For example, I would ask
those Iranian guys if they support waging the holy war against the US by the
Iranian ayatollahs -- thus demonstrating on their own example they absurdity
of the logic they use to make claims about Jews.

The problem with the academic Left, however, is that they became so
accustomed to the use of techno-jargon that they often forget that simple
rules of language or logic can be a very powerful weapon against right wing
propaganda.  Needless to add that a simple argument is much more convincing
than the use of obtuse jargon, graphs and charts.


regards,

wojtek sokolowski 
institute for policy studies
johns hopkins university
baltimore, md 21218
[EMAIL PROTECTED]
voice: (410) 516-4056
fax:   (410) 516-8233







Re: Do the Jews Own America?

1997-10-23 Thread Louis Proyect

Louis:

The problem with dealing with those kind of arguments is that people have
become so infatuated with techno-jargon of economics, poli-sci, or sociology
(numbers, graphs, charts, statistics and what not) that they lost their
capacity to comprehend standard English or basic rules of logical reasoning.


wojtek sokolowski 

I am not sure why you are belaboring me with this. I am not an academician.
My point is a rather simple one. 

I am not advocating "techno-jargon". I am advocating facts about the
economy, which inevitably involve numbers. Andrew Hacker's last book was
about race relations and it simply produced page after page that showed
inequality between black and white. When black college graduates earn $753
for every $1000 earned by a white college graduate, this puts the kibosh on
Rush Limbaugh's claims that blacks have caught up.

And I'll tell you something else. One of the things that annoys me about
these god-damned Internet discussions is how few statistical citations
there are. When I argue with the Trotskyite knuckleheads over on the Spoons
lists, they simply wilt before, for example, figures showing how few
industrial workers there were in Nicaragua at the time of the Sandinista
revolution. They have a metaphysic of proletarian revolution, but when
confronted by the statistical evidence they collapse like vampires in
sunlight.

Lenin was an absolute stickler about statistics (I know this is irrelevant
to most people here). He castigated the Russian social democracy for not
using the most reliable and up-to-date statistics. I think it is absolutely
critical to refer to the Census, BLS, etc. That is what makes Doug Henwood
more of a Marxist than 99% of the bullshit artists who can cite chapter and
verse of Das Kapital, but who never discuss the world we are living in.

Louis Proyect






Kevin Phillips

1997-10-23 Thread john gulick

At 01:08 PM 10/22/97 -0700, you wrote:

 GOVERNMENT BY AND FOR THE ELITES 

   By Kevin Phillips


With each successive book or article I read by Kevin Phillips, he sounds more
and more like a bona fide left populist. This from a guy who helped map out
electoral strategy for Nixon and Reagan. Has anybody seen or read an interview
w/Phillips where he speaks frankly about his own political conversion or
political leanings ?

Also, we all know that the Dems under the DLC's aegis have come to rival the
Repubs when it comes to soft money/PAC/etc. fund-raising, but does anybody
think that it really has reached a _qualitatively_ new level (for both parties)
in the past few years ? If you have a more or less structural Marxist theory
of the capitalist state, should the empirical fact that backroom policy-making
and influence-peddling are on the rise make any difference in political
outcomes ?

John

John Gulick
Ph. D. Candidate
Sociology Graduate Program
University of California-Santa Cruz
(415) 643-8568
[EMAIL PROTECTED]






The Clear Perspective Of The Chretien Liberals

1997-10-23 Thread Shawgi A. Tell


Speaking to an interviewer on BBS Sunday Edition, Prime Minister
Chretien, referring to the demand of the people of Quebec to
exercise their sovereignty, declared: "This road to  paradise,
via a mere vote for independence, must be put in a clear
perspective, and this is what we have achieved in the last two
months". Chretien's "clear perspective" is expressed in the
Calgary Declaration and in the letters of his Inter-Governmental
Affairs Minister Stephane Dion to Quebec ministers. According to
Chretien, these have created "an open and realistic atmosphere".
Referring to the government of the Parti Québécois, he also said:
"Before, they were selling dreams, now I think they must see the
reality as it is".
 The "clear perspective" and "reality" Chretien refers to are
wishful thinking based on nineteenth century considerations.
Today is the end of the twentieth century and Canada is poised to
enter the twenty-first century. If there is one thing Canadians
have learned in the past one hundred and thirty years of
Confederation is to face reality by paying attention to the needs
of the times, not to the needs of the ruling elite to maintain
the status quo.
 It does not take a genius to understand that the Calgary
Declaration, the letters of Dion to Quebec ministers and the use
of the Supreme Court to decide on the constitutionality of the
right of Quebec to exercise its sovereignty are part of a single
whole which aims to further negate the right of the Quebec people
to affirm their sovereignty. If words are to be given any meaning
whatsoever, the reality of the politics of threats and
intimidation against the people of Quebec and the attempt to
divide the entire polity between enemies and friends according to
whether they support or oppose Quebec's right to
self-determination, can be called self-destructive, but not a
"clear perspective."
 Far from creating an "open and realistic atmosphere," the
activities of the Chretien Liberals for the last two months have
shown that they are trying to launch a campaign of chauvinist
hysteria. Quebec is accused of trying to break up Canadian unity
and the rules set by the Calgary Declaration for the
"consultations", under the hoax of using modern technology, will
further marginalize the people while lowering even further the
level of the discussion.
 Chretien's statement according to which before Quebeckers
were buying the pipe dreams of he separatists, now they are
becoming more realistic is an open admission that his main
interest is to block the movement of the people of Quebec to
affirm their sovereignty. It is to say that the Chretien Liberals
will carry on with their politics of threats and interference in
the affairs of Quebec until the time the people of Quebec give up
their right to decide their own future.
 Since a right belongs to the holder by virtue of his or her
being, and cannot be given, taken away, usurped or given up, and
the right of the Quebec nation to self-determination is such a
right, it is Chretien that seems to be very unrealistic. Anything
short of providing this problem with a solution will continue to
exacerbate the problem. Will Chretien smarten up? The clear
perspective is that this is not likely.

TML DAILY, 10/97

Shawgi Tell
Graduate School of Education
University at Buffalo
[EMAIL PROTECTED]








re: Kevin Phillips

1997-10-23 Thread James Devine

Kevin Phillips, who I read regularly in the L.A. TIMES and hear on (U.S.)
National Public Radio, seems to be a leftist Perotist. I don't think he's a
leftist (and it's nauseating to think that he may be counted as one of the
few leftists in the capitalist press). It was Ross Perot who got him out of
the Republican orbit. It's possible that he's being shunned by the
inside-the-beltway crowd, encouraging him to be more independent in his
thinking, allowing him to be more populist. He's also always been much more
historically-minded in his analyses than the vast majority of pundits.
That's a good thing. 

John Gulick also asks: If you have a more or less structural Marxist
theory of the capitalist state, should the empirical fact that backroom
policy-making and influence-peddling are on the rise make any difference in
political outcomes ?

I don't know how much I fit in the "structural" school, but it seems to me
that there is always a difference between the perceived interests of
individual capitalists and the long-run interests of the capitalist class
as a whole. 

In practice, it's the latter that typically dominates. Actual politics
(concerning issues that affect capital's or capitalists' interests) in the
US mostly represents the conflict between the "special interest" types
("backroom policy-making and influence- peddling") and the types who strive
to make the ruling class pursue what these elites perceive to be its
long-term class interest (establishmentarian editorialists, foundations,
etc.) (Working people play a role by pressuring the state from the outside.) 

I don't think that the actual politics always serves the the long-term
interests of the capitalist class, though on basics such as the
preservation of capitalist property rights using force, etc., it does.
Sometimes actual politics gets way out of line, actually contradicting
what's good for capital. This causes crises, as when the decade of greed of
the 1920s contributed to the collapse of the early 1930s. The rise of the
political feeding frenzy nowadays might contribute to some sharp crisis
(perhaps environmental, perhaps societal, perhaps economic, perhaps all
three) in the near future.[*] 

In such a crisis, chances are that the spokespeople for the long-term
interests of capital will enjoy an ascendancy. But remember that even FDR's
efforts didn't bear fruit until World War II... 

[*] In some sense we can say that all three of these "crises" already
prevail. But I think that misuses the word. As Marx noted, crises aren't
permanent, long-living. A different word is needed.


in pen-l solidarity,

Jim Devine   [EMAIL PROTECTED]
http://clawww.lmu.edu/1997F/ECON/jdevine.html
Econ. Dept., Loyola Marymount Univ.
7900 Loyola Blvd., Los Angeles, CA 90045-8410 USA
310/338-2948 (daytime, during workweek); FAX: 310/338-1950
"Dear, you increase the dopamine in my accumbens." -- words of love for the
1990s.





Re: Do the Jews Own America?

1997-10-23 Thread Wojtek Sokolowski

At 01:52 PM 10/23/97 -0400, Louis Proyect wrote:

I am not sure why you are belaboring me with this. I am not an academician.
My point is a rather simple one. 


No personal innuendo intended.  Just a thought triggered by your posting to
the list.


And I'll tell you something else. One of the things that annoys me about
these god-damned Internet discussions is how few statistical citations
there are. 


The problem with statistical citations is that there are so many of them.
They use different assumptions, different definitions, different methods of
measurement.  Consequently, they produce different, often contradicting,
images of the existing phenomena, let alone future ones.  In a sense, they
are like Platonic or Hollywood-produced shadows on the wall -- you know they
are shadows of something, but you cannot be sure what exactly that something is.

Of course, someone with sufficient knowledge and free time could could check
the assumptions, definitions, measurement techniques and other relevant
details, but that would require enormous effort had heve very little impact
because of the diifculty to convey the necessary technical details to the
public.  

Right wing warlocks know that very well, and they throw around bullshit
numbers to support their bogus claims, knowing that either nobody will
debunk those numbers, or if someone does, people will still remember the
bogus claim and pay little attention to technical corrections of the figurs
on which those claims are based.




Lenin was an absolute stickler about statistics (I know this is irrelevant
to most people here). He castigated the Russian social democracy for not
using the most reliable and up-to-date statistics. I think it is absolutely
critical to refer to the Census, BLS, etc. That is what makes Doug Henwood
more of a Marxist than 99% of the bullshit artists who can cite chapter and
verse of Das Kapital, but who never discuss the world we are living in.


You are abslutely right, Louis, except one detail: since when statistics are
the world we live in?  In my book, they are rather idealistic
representations of the world, Platonic shadows on the wall, if you will.

I do number crunching for a living and what amazes me is that numbers are
more important than reality they represent.  One can tell the most blatant
lie with impunity, if only he can produce graphs and charts to back this
claim up.  It is also amazing how easily people capitulate if they are
slapped with numbers.

That reminds me of a public debate here at Hopkins on the supposed "genatic
inferiority" of Blacks, in connection with the publication of the "Belle
kkkurve."  A local sociologist made similar arguments backing them up with
regression results showing correlations between academic performance and
race.  A chorus of other sociologists and psychologists vehemently objected
arguing that his research methods were faulty.

In the retrospect, what strikes me is that while distinguished professors
were debating fine points of data collection and analysis -- nobody noticed
the idiocy of the entire situiation:  a  sociologist trying to solve
questions of human genetics and biology with paper and pencil tests, and
doing so at a university famous for its medical research.  To realize the
absurdity of the situation, just imagine a sociologist administering a
survey how people perceive the solar system, and then presenting his "data"
at an astronomers' convention to argue that Sun rotates around the Earth.
They guy would be laughed off the stage, as most people would take his
presentation as entertainment during an intermission between the sessions.

Stated differently, statistical edifices erected by many pundits and
so-called researchers are simply a red herring that diverts people's
attention form either some fundamental and easily demonstrable flaws in
their argument, or form the basic fact that these pundits bring the
proverbial duck to a cock-fight and discuss questions they are not equipped
to answer.  The whole strategy is based on the expectation that the critics
will follow the scent and debate fine points of that edifice, and that will
distract them from discerning more fundamental flaws.

The capitulation before numbers and shadowy images of reality built with
them can only be compared to medieval times, when every superstition could
pass for unquestionable truth, if veiled in the language of theology.

regards,

wojtek sokolowski 
institute for policy studies
johns hopkins university
baltimore, md 21218
[EMAIL PROTECTED]
voice: (410) 516-4056
fax:   (410) 516-8233







Re: Origins of the term wage slavery

1997-10-23 Thread Ellen Dannin [EMAIL PROTECTED]

On Wed, 22 Oct 1997, William S. Lear wrote:

 Can anyone fill me in on the origins of the term "wage slavery"?
 
I can't fill you in on its origins, but there is a great example of the
comparisons you made in the 1960's movie "Burn" or "Quemado" starring a
thin Marlon Brando with a British accent. A must-see on all accounts.

Ellen

Ellen J. Dannin
California Western School of Law
225 Cedar Street
San Diego, CA  92101
Phone:  619-525-1449
Fax:619-696-







Re: Do the Jews Own America?

1997-10-23 Thread Bill Burgess

I appreciated Wojtek's point of how simple logic and clear context is
often better than numberjumbo. But Louis is right about how concrete
evidence is ignored/avoided. As Lenin liked to say (according to a list of
all-time citations I saw, Lenin comes right after Shakespeare), "Facts are
stubborn things." Statistics may be a shadow on the wall, but at least
there is something substantial projecting that shadow, whereas the usual
evidence for conspiracy theories is more like personal annecdote ("My
cousin knows a guy who has had 17 bosses and all them were Jews.")

I was the one who asked Louis for references on this, and I still think it
would help me to refer my friends to a serious study on this question,
especially since, as has been pointed out, Jews *are* prominently
represented in certain sectors of the economy. Pomoists have had too much
success in encouraging rarified discourse in place of serious
empirical investigation. Academics have the time and resources to do the 
latter and this is one way we can be most useful. 


Bill Burgess  ([EMAIL PROTECTED])
Department of Geography, Tel: (604) 822-2663
University of British Columbia, B.C. Fax: (604) 822-6150







Aha!!

1997-10-23 Thread valis

 I am speaking of the sort of thing that appears in the Harpers Magazine
 each month, called the "Harper's Index". From the October issue, we learn
 that the average change in the federal taxes an American earning less than
 $22,600 will pay under the new tax law is +$19.  Meanwhile, the average
 change for an American earning more than $246,000 will pay is -$16,157.
 The ratio of Americans earning less than $22,600 to those earning more
 than $246,000 is 40:1. The percentage of Americans who earn more than
 $246,000 who met Bill Clinton last year was 11. This is not shadow on the
 walls of Plato's cave. This is the real world. This is the sort of
 information I'd like to see on a PEN-L web page.

Well that's it, Louis!  Ask Harper's to contribute its index to the page
each month; that's great advertising for them without getting into arcane
intellectual property hassles with their writers.  That index is unique.

 Yeah, I've never been around distinguished professors myself in person. 
 Well, just one maybe. That was Stanley Aronowitz, but his wife told me to
 get lost. 

I got that treatment from the big A himself about 10 years ago.
He had never laid eyes on me before the moment I arrived outside his
open office, where he was on the phone.  Almost immediately he slammed
the door in my face with a vigor that clearly said "Fuck off!"
I doubt he was discussing anything that classified, and chalked it up to
the abnormalities of New York, but I never went back.
Whoever he was supposed to be, that little performance told me that 
he had lost something along the way.
valis 








'Men of the Deeps'

1997-10-23 Thread PHILLPS

This is inspired by Louis' recent postings on working class culture.

Two nights ago I went to a concert at one of Winnipeg's major
concert venues given by the 'Men of the Deeps", a miners choir
formed 32 years ago in Cape Breton, Nova Scotia, to celebrate the
Canadian Centenary.  The qualifications to be a member of the
group is first, that you are (or have been) an underground miner;
and, secondly, that you can sing. (The only non-miner is the
conductor, a music professor from Antigonish College, John
O'Donell, who drives the 500 plus kilometers to Glace Bay
every week to reherse.)  At the moment, the 25 or so members of
the group, mostly aged 40-70s, are on a cross Canada tour, in
part to promote their most recent CD, "Coal Fire in Winter". (They
have 5 or 6 recordings, the previous one being "Buried Treasures"
released in 1995.)

The 'Men of the Deeps' have the largest repetoire of coal mining and un
union songs in Canada, many of them collected by O'Donell or written
by or for the group.  Many of the songs they sang recounted the under-
ground disasters that plagued the region throughout its history.
There was not a dry eye in the house when one relatively young
miner, a former president of the miners' union local, introduced
a song written about one of the more recent mine explosions
when, as union president, he was called out in the middle of the
night to watch as his cousin's and uncle's bodies were hauled out
of the burning shaft.

But these were proud workers, fathers and sons, brothers and
cousins, proud of Cape Breton and its labour tradition, and
proud of their union -- and willing to sing about it.  Among
the frequent sad refrains of death and disaster was also their
sometimes caustic humour.  One recounted the story of the union
president being interviewed on a local talk-radio show.  He
was being asked by the host about criticism that had been
levelled agains his leadership and the local union.  He retorted:
"We have heard of these them allegations -- But, you can be
sure, we know who these alligators are!"

Personally, a miners' choir strikes a responsive chord with me.
It is part of my own cultural background.  My grandfather
emigrated from the coal mines of Wales to work the hardrock mines
of the Boundary country of southern British Columbia early in
this century.  I'm not exactly sure which year(s) but he was
secretary of the Western Federation of Miners local in Phoenix
some time before the 1st World War.  One of his closest friends was
Bill Pritchard, one of the jailed leaders of the 1919 Winnipeg
General Strike and of the One Big Union.

I interviewed Pritchard in the early 1960s (part of my research for
my PhD thesis on the B.C. Labour movement.)  At that time Bill had
retired to San Diego where he was spending his retirement years --
conducting a Welsh ladies Choir.  Shortly afterwards, I
arranged to tape an interview with my grandfather, at that time
in his mid 90s on his history in the unions
and the music they sang. (He was an ardent opera singer.)
The day we were to do the interview he phoned to postpone, saying he did
not feel well.  A couple of days later he died -- I had lost
the opportunity not only to reclaim part of my personal
heritage, but to record for posterity a small part of Canada's
working class history.  I have always regretted that I waited too long.

This was just one of the memories and meanings that the concert
evoked.  For one thing, the Celtic sense of poetry -- from the
reading of a poem "Who are They" by a former member of the 'Men
of the Deeps'.

"Who are they who poke and rile, and sing out names with humour bold,
that load and hew and take the guff,
to those above these tales are never told.

"Who are they who lead the way, when rescue is in store,
when men are trapped and loving families weep,
as torches fail and lamps grow dim and darkness slowly creeps.

Who are they who fought to break the company's chains and
never shied when days were lean,
to change this way of life; and now, the fields are green."

The 'Men of the Deeps' sang for 2 1/2 hours in their pit clothing --
heavy work boots, dark grey green shirts and pants, held up
by wide black leather belts, and each with hard hat complete
with miners lamps.  The climax of the concert was the great
miners anthem penned by Canada's Nova Scotian songbird, Rita McNeil --
"Working Man".

"It's a working man I am, and I've been down underground,
And I swear to God if I ever see the sun,
Or for any length of time, I can hold it in my hand,
I never again will go down underground."

(She has recorded this with the 'Men of the Deep' on her
album, 'Reason to Believe'.)

As they sang, the stage lights dimmed as the miners/singers
turned on their head lamps.  By the end, the auditorium was '
dark as the dungeon' except for the lights of the miners
helmets which shone into the audience 'as dark as the coal.'

To a person, the audience rose in standing ovation .  While the
waves of applause continued, the choir 

Raw Data for Data Buffs

1997-10-23 Thread Michael Eisenscher

As the saying goes, "There are lies, damn lies, and then there are
statistics."  or "Figures don't lie, but liers sure can figure."







Columbia U Clericals Strike

1997-10-23 Thread Michael Eisenscher

October 23, 1997


Officials at Columbia U. Meet With Strikers

NEW YORK -- Columbia University officials held an impromptu meeting
Wednesday with representatives of striking clerical
workers, a move that is expected to lead to new negotiations, possibly
as early as Thursday. 

The meeting was arranged by Stephen Yokich, president of United Auto Workers
International, whose Local 2110 represents 800
university secretaries and office workers. It was the first talks since the
strike began a week ago. 

David Cohen, the director of employee and labor relations at the university,
characterized the meeting as "cordial" and intended to
get negotiations back on track. "Both sides need to come to the table ready
to make compromises," he said. 

Maida Rosenstein, the president of the local, said: "I hope there are real
negotiations, but what the union is seeking would require
substantive changes in the university's position on some key points, and I
hope we do reach some agreement." 

The university has offered a contract with three annual 3 percent pay
increases as well as bonuses for good performance. The
local union -- secretaries, cashiers, financial advisers and other service
workers -- rejected the offer, saying the performance
bonuses, called merit pay, would be racially and sexually divisive in a
mostly female and minority union. 

Further, the union has said that the university's proposals to increase the
length of the contract to 38 months and to establish a
two-tiered promotion system for new employees are both unacceptable. The
union has also protested the loss of 300 jobs since
1984 because of downsizing and new technology. 

Yokich, who had come from union headquarters in Michigan on other business,
said he visited the picket lines to "let members
know we are supporting what they are seeking." 

"This is a thing we've faced in all industries," he said. "It is a sad
commentary on businesses and on colleges." 

Yokich led the striking workers from the picket lines to the steps of Low
Memorial Library, the administration building, where
approximately 200 placard-carrying strikers shouted slogans, blew whistles
and banged on homemade drums. 

After requesting an unscheduled meeting with university officials, Yokich,
Ms. Rosenstein and UAW International vice president
Carolyn Forrest were escorted by security into the building, where they met
with Columbia's executive vice president, Emily Lloyd,
Cohen, and Colleen Crooker, the vice president for human resources. 

UAW officials said that beginning Thursday, union members could sign up to
collect $150 a week in strike pay, retroactive to the
first day. By state law, union members will be eligible for unemployment
benefits 49 days after the first day of the strike. 

  Copyright 1997 The New York Times Company