Re: the political economy of oil; minor historical footnote

2004-01-02 Thread dmschanoes
 Seems to me the question we need to be asking is *scarce for whom*? For the
poor, schools are scarce, medical care is scarce, violence free
communities are scarce, housing is scarce, nutritionally beneficial foods
are scarce, clean water is scarce, democratic participation is scarce,
 electricity is scarce etc. etc
 Let's make the polysemy of the concept work *for* our goals. For capital
only profits and passive people are scarce

 Ian
_---

Well, I think you just settled the debate.

dms


Re: the political economy of oil; minor historical footnote

2004-01-01 Thread Eubulides
- Original Message -
From: "dmschanoes" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>


I don't know if the debate about scarcity can be settled here.

==

Our first understatement of 2004 :->


>
But the argument is repeatedly offered that oil is scarce, water is
scarce, cities
are too large, industrial farming doesn't work, etc. etc., and I think it
is
essential to clarify the issues and elements surrounding this debate, and
flatly oppose certain positions based on assumptions of scarcity.

===

Seems to me the question we need to be asking is *scarce for whom*? For
the poor, schools are scarce, medical care is scarce, violence free
communities are scarce, housing is scarce, nutritionally beneficial foods
are scarce, clean water is scarce, democratic participation is scarce,
electricity is scarce etc. etc

Let's make the polysemy of the concept work *for* our goals. For capital
only profits and passive people are scarce


Ian


Re: the political economy of oil; minor historical footnote

2004-01-01 Thread dmschanoes
sorry, wrong URL.  Try:

http://www.epw.org.in


dms


Re: the political economy of oil; minor historical footnote

2004-01-01 Thread dmschanoes
I've said just that at the time of OPEC 1.  But most of all the myth of oil
scarcity, and the reality of oil price rises, has been convenient in
hobbling the living standards of the working class.  1973 is marked by two
interlocked events-- OPEC 1 and the overthrow of Allende, both announcing
capital's offensive against the wage and welfare levels established from
1948-1973, and there is a quantifiable decline in the rate of profit
triggering both the specific and general maneuvers of capital.

I don't know if the debate about scarcity can be settled here.  But the
argument is repeatedly offered that oil is scarce, water is scarce, cities
are too large, industrial farming doesn't work, etc. etc., and I think it is
essential to clarify the issues and elements surrounding this debate, and
flatly oppose certain positions based on assumptions of scarcity.
Otherwise you get a discussion list that isn't, or becomes a billboard for
individuals to post their self-advertisements without engaging others,
without engaging in a real exploration of the social relations that make up
an economy, a history, a conflict.

Regarding water, 11/29/03 online issue of Economic and Political Weekly --
http://www.epw.org -- has a couple of interesting articles about the meaning
and history of water, scarcity, waste, and colonialism.

dms


Re: the political economy of oil; minor historical footnote

2004-01-01 Thread Michael Perelman
I am one who is convinced that scarcity of oil represents a crucial
bottleneck -- but not as serious as water.

I do not think that the existence of such scarcity will be decided by any
debates here.

David might have said though that my people, myself included, thought that
the oil scarcity was convenient in hobbling US's rivals -- esp. Germany
and Japan.

Michael Perelman
Economics Department
California State University
Chico, CA 95929

Tel. 530-898-5321
E-Mail [EMAIL PROTECTED]


Re: the political economy of oil; minor historical footnote

2004-01-01 Thread dmschanoes
But they, the US govt., didn't, use force that is, did they?  As a matter of
fact the oil majors experienced a miraculous recovery in their rate of
return on investment after OPEC 1, and when the Saudi royal family "decided"
to arrange for a compensated "nationalization" of Aramco, sort of like
privatization in reverse-- absorbing the infrastructure and its costs while
the oil majors skimmed the cream through marketing, downstream, contracting,
consulting, and the benefits of price increases to their upstream
operations-- did you hear one word of protest?  Were there any threats then?
Any saber rattling?

Hell no.

It is best to look at this report in context, the context of overall US
belligerence-- during the Yom Kippur war, the Israel Army was cut off in the
Sinai and threatened with real obliteration.  The US, with Schlesinger as
Sec. of Def., began a massive logistical and combat air support program,
letting it be known to the USSR and Egypt that the US would not allow the
destruction of the Israeli Army (think it was the 8th) and would undertake
direct combat missions if necessary.

We know what happened next.



dms


the political economy of oil; minor historical footnote

2004-01-01 Thread Eubulides
[happy new year penner's]


U.S. Mulled Seizing Oil Fields In '73
British Memo Cites Notion of Sending Airborne to Mideast

By Glenn Frankel
Washington Post Foreign Service
Thursday, January 1, 2004; Page A01


LONDON, Dec. 31 -- The United States gave serious consideration to sending
airborne troops to seize oil fields in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and Abu Dhabi
during the 1973 Arab oil embargo, according to a top-secret British
intelligence memorandum released Wednesday night.

The document, titled "Middle East -- Possible Use of Force by the United
States," says that if there were deteriorating conditions such as a
breakdown of the cease-fire between Arab and Israeli forces following the
October 1973 Middle East war or an intensification of the embargo, "we
believe the American preference would be for a rapid operation conducted
by themselves" to seize the oil fields.

It cites a warning from Defense Secretary James R. Schlesinger to the
British ambassador in Washington, Lord Cromer, that the United States
would not tolerate threats from "under-developed, under-populated"
countries and that "it was no longer obvious to him that the United States
could not use force."

Seizure of the oil fields, the memo says, was "the possibility uppermost
in American thinking [and] has been reflected, we believe, in their
contingency planning."

The document, dated Dec. 13, 1973, and sent to Prime Minister Edward Heath
by Percy Cradock, head of Britain's Joint Intelligence Committee, goes on
to discuss the likely scenario for an American invasion, how Britain could
assist the United States and how Arab nations and the Soviet Union were
likely to respond.

Arab members of OPEC imposed the embargo on the United States and other
Western countries in October to try to force them to compel Israel to
withdraw from Arab territories. The embargo, which lasted until March
1974, cut off only 13 percent of U.S. oil imports but caused steep
gasoline price hikes in the United States, Europe and Japan.

U.S. officials at the time hinted that retaliation was possible but did
not describe the form it might take. At a news conference on Nov. 21,
1973, Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger declared: "It is clear that if
pressures continue unreasonably and indefinitely, then the United States
will have to consider what countermeasures it may have to take."

In his memoir "Years of Upheaval," Kissinger added, "These were not empty
threats. I ordered a number of studies from the key departments on
countermeasures against Arab members of OPEC if the embargo continued. By
the end of the month, several contingency studies had been completed."

Neither Kissinger nor Schlesinger, contacted through aides, responded to
requests for comment.

The British document -- one of hundreds released by Britain's National
Archives in an annual disclosure of government papers that are 30 years
old -- goes beyond previous accounts in describing what the
countermeasures might have been. It assesses as unworkable such options as
replacement of Arab rulers with "more amenable" leaders or assembling a
show of force. Instead, it describes an airborne military operation as the
most feasible alternative, although "a move of last resort."

"The initial force need not be large," the document states, adding, "We
estimate that the force required for the initial operation would be on the
order of two brigades, one for the Saudi operation, one for Kuwait and
possibly a third for Abu Dhabi." After the initial assault, it adds, "the
remainder of the force which might eventually amount to two divisions
could be flown in from the United States."

"The area would have to be securely held probably for a period of some 10
years," it concludes.

In Saudi Arabia, it says, "the operation could be fairly straightforward,"
with U.S. forces facing only a "lightly armed national guard battalion at
Dharan" and a U.S.-made Hawk surface-to-air-missile battery. In Kuwait, it
says, "operational problems are greater" because the Kuwaitis had
stationed about 100 tanks near the airport. While the Saudis and Kuwaitis
might attempt to sabotage oil wells and terminals, the memo concludes, oil
could be flowing within weeks of occupation.

One complication, it notes, was that British officers were stationed in
Abu Dhabi. "For this reason alone the Americans might ask the U.K. to
undertake this particular operation," it says.

The document notes that military action could trigger a confrontation with
the Soviet Union, lead to a long occupation of Arab territory and deeply
alienate Arab and Third World public opinion. But it discounted the
possibility that the Soviet Union would use military force against a U.S.
invasion, saying it would seek instead to make political and propaganda
capital from the move.

"The greatest risk of such confrontation in the Gulf would probably arise
in Kuwait where the Iraqis, with Soviet backing, might be tempted to
intervene," it says, presaging Iraqi President Saddam Hussei