RE: Ten Commandments Basis of Our Laws Position

2004-12-16 Thread Francis J. Beckwith
Ed, are you suggesting that believing the 10 commandments are from God is
irrational? If so, not only should the 10 commandments be banned from public
places, we should be telling our young people that its divine source is
suspect and to believe that way shows a lack of intellectual virtue.  

But if it isn't prima facie irrational to believe that God is the source of
the 10 commandments, then it seems to me that to require that the state not
permit that account to be offered as one of many accounts of the grounding
of our law would deny our young people the opportunity to appreciate a way
of thinking inspired people as diverse as James Wilson and Martin Luther
King, Jr.  

Frank
 
-Original Message-
From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
[mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] On Behalf Of Ed Brayton
Sent: Thursday, December 16, 2004 1:55 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Re: Ten Commandments Basis of Our Laws Position


Mike Schutt wrote: 
In response to Ed's and Prof Lipkin's post, just a quick thought or two. 

I think what is traditionally meant by the basis of our laws position is
the following:

1.  The Ten Commandments is a stark (if not the first surviving)
demonstration that law comes from outside humankind-- that is, that law is
not merely a human artifact.  This has a long tradition in the common law,
from Magna Carta, to Coke, to Bracton and Blackstone.  The ten commandments
are the basis of our laws, then, in the sense that the common law has
taken the view that the King us under law, because law comes from God.
Russell Kirk in his Roots of American Order, for example, cites the giving
of the ten commandments as the foundation of Western order.  So, first, the
position is that the fact that the Ten Commandments were from God, not man
(being written with the finger of God) are the basis for many of the
fundamental common law propositions, beginning with no man is above the
law. 

What you call a demonstration and a fact, I call an unsupported
assertion. The mere fact that Moses, or whoever wrote on his behalf, claimed
that the laws came from God is no more compelling an argument than the fact
that Mesha, king of the Moabites, said the same thing about the laws he
allegedly got from Chemosh. More importantly, as I said, most of those laws
not only don't form the basis of our laws, they would be entirely forbidden
as laws under our Constitution. The fact is that we could explain and trace
the reasoning for virtually every provision in the Constitution without ever
once referencing the bible or judeo-christian tradition or theology. Take
away the theological references, and nothing much changes in the
Constitution. This hardly seems a compelling case for such traditions being
the basis of our system of government. 
2.  Theologians, including Augustine and Calvin and many other Protestant
and Catholic theologians in the history of the West have made direct
connection between the Ten Commandments and *all* civil, moral, and
ceremonial law.  Therefore, all law in a sense is based on or-- maybe this
is better put-- summarized by the Ten.  This is a pretty supportable
proposition from the Old and New Testaments.  So even laws that should not
be civil laws, such as the ones that Ed points out, are still law in the
sense of moral law, as Ed also points out.  Furthermore, civil laws should
be based on, modeled after, and in conformance with the moral law; so in
that sense, our civil laws are based on the Ten Commandments.
No, I did not point out that those parts of the Ten Commandments that cannot
be civil law should still be considered moral law. I may agree, on
different grounds, that adultery is immoral (and I do), but that does not
mean that this constitutes moral law, and it certainly doesn't mean that
civil laws should be based on, modeled after, and in conformance with this
moral law. In fact, I strongly disagree with that position. Again, all of
those prohibitions found in the ten commandments could never have existed,
and it would not change our civil and criminal law in the slightest. Indeed,
even without the few commandments that do find analogs in our civil law, the
laws would still be the same simply because prohibitions against murder and
theft are universal in nature and found in every non-biblical legal or
ethical system as well. 

Ed Brayton

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RE: Ten Commandments Basis of Our Laws Position

2004-12-16 Thread Francis J. Beckwith

Unless the Lord is a member of a group protected by anti-hate speech laws.
:-) 

Frank 



-Original Message-
From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] 
[mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] On Behalf Of Paul Finkelman
Sent: Thursday, December 16, 2004 2:45 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Re: Ten Commandments Basis of Our Laws Position


Sandy:  There is NO reason to believe that Roman law was 
affected by the 
Ten C. Nor is there much evidence that American law was 
affected by the 
10-C; except perhaps to reject portions of it.  The First 
Amendment is a 
clear rejection of 10-C provisions on one God, the ban on sculpted 
images (including by the way all those angels hanging from Christmas 
trees  (Thou shalt not make unto thee any graven image, or 
any likeness 
of any thing that is in heaven above, or that is in the earth beneath, 
or that is in the water under the earth).  As long as we do not do it 
in court we are constitutionally free to swear falsely by the name of 
the Lord (take the Lord's name in vain)

Paul Finkelman

Sanford Levinson wrote:
 Is there any reason at all to believe that Roman Law owed anything at
 all to the Ten Commandments?  I take it that Roman Law is the basic 
 source of most European civil law.
  
 sandy
 
 
--
 --
 From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] 
 [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] On Behalf Of 
[EMAIL PROTECTED]
 Sent: Thursday, December 16, 2004 12:20 PM
 To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 Subject: Re: Ten Commandments Basis of Our Laws Position
 
 I think the current use of the claim that our laws are based 
 on
 the Ten Commandments, or at least the way I understand this 
phrase in 
 its strongest sense, is that  the Ten Commandments are our law's 
 foundation in two senses: (1) Our laws are derived historically, 
 conceptually, and so forth in a unique manner from  the Ten 
 Commandments, so that if the Ten Commandments never existed our law 
 would be recognizably different, if it would exist at all, and 
 (2) because of (1) (perhaps or as a separate manner), 
justification of 
 our laws must refer to the Ten Commandments.  (I'm not 
entirely sure (1) 
 and (2) are distinct in any interesting way).  By current 
use (above) 
 I mean how the contention functions in political discourse today.
  
 Bobby
  
 Robert Justin Lipkin
 Professor of Law
 Widener University School of Law
 Delaware
 
 
 
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-- 
Paul Finkelman
Chapman Distinguished Professor
University of Tulsa College of Law
3120 East 4th Place
Tulsa, Oklahoma  74104-2499

918-631-3706 (office)
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Wait, there's more: Leading ID think tank calls Dover evolution policy misguided, calls for it to be withdrawn

2004-12-14 Thread Francis J. Beckwith
Just when you thought it was safe to go back into the pre-biotic soup:

For Immediate Release Dec. 14, 2004
Press Contact: Rob Crowther

Discovery Institute

(206) 292-0401 x.107

[EMAIL PROTECTED]

Leading intelligent design think tank calls Dover evolution policy
misguided, calls for it to be withdrawn

Seattle, Dec. 14 - The policy on teaching evolution recently adopted by the
Dover, PA School Board was called misguided today by Discovery Institute's
Center for Science and Culture, which advised that the policy should be
withdrawn and rewritten.

While the Dover board is to be commended for trying to teach Darwinian
theory in a more open-minded manner, this is the wrong way to go about it,
said Dr. John G. West, associate director of Discovery Institute's Center
for Science and Culture (CSC).  Dover's current policy has a number of
problems, not the least of which is its lack of clarity. At one point, it
appears to prohibit Dover schools from teaching anything about 'the origins
of life.' At another point, it appears to both mandate as well as prohibit
the teaching of the scientific theory of intelligent design. The policy's
incoherence raises serious problems from the standpoint of constitutional
law. Thus, the policy should be withdrawn and rewritten.

Apart from questions about its constitutionality, West expressed
reservations about the Dover School Board's directive on public policy
grounds. 

When we first read about the Dover policy, we publicly criticized it
because according to published reports the intent was to mandate the
teaching of intelligent design, explained West. Although we think
discussion of intelligent design should not be prohibited, we don't think
intelligent design should be required in public schools. 

What should be required is full disclosure of the scientific evidence for
and against Darwin's theory, added West, which is the approach supported
by the overwhelming majority of the public.

Discovery Institute's Center for Science  Culture is the nation's leading
think-tank exploring the scientific theory of intelligent design, which
proposes that some features of the natural world are best explained as the
product of an intelligent cause rather than an undirected cause such as
natural selection. In recent years a growing number of scientists have
presented the case for intelligent design theory in academic journal
articles and books published by major academic presses such as Cambridge
University Press and Michigan State University Press.  For more information
visit the Institute's website at www.discovery.org/csc/.

###

-Original Message-
From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] 
[mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] On Behalf Of Ed Brayton
Sent: Tuesday, December 14, 2004 12:53 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Re: Press Conference Announcing Legal Challenge to 
Intelligent Design Curriculum in PA


Ah, I was just going to post something about this. The Thomas More Law 
Center has offered to handle the defense for the Dover school 
district. 
I haven't seen any official word that they'll be representing the 
district, but the district would be foolish not to accept the offer. 
Well, let me rephrase that. They'd be foolish to fight the lawsuit in 
the first place, as I think they're going to lose and it's 
going to cost 
the taxpayers of that district an enormous amount of money. But if 
they're going to fight it, they'd be even more foolish not to 
accept the 
offer to have the TMLC represent them. TMLC has done some 
pretty good work.

This could very well be the test case that everyone involved in the 
evolution/creationism battle have been anticipating for a couple of 
years now, the one that determines whether the precedents set 
in McLean 
v. Arkansas and Edwards v. Aguillard concerning the teaching of 
creation science also hold true for the teaching of intelligent 
design. The ID folks aren't happy about that, as they don't think the 
Dover school board's policy is very defensible (and they're 
right, it's 
riddled with contradictions and false claims). There is another 
potential case that may be coming down the line that has not 
gone public 
yet that would be even worse for them, however. If this case 
goes at all 
like McLean v. Arkansas, it could end up being quite the show trial, 
with a couple dozen prominent expert witnesses testifying on 
either side 
about the nature of science and the evidence for evolution.

Ed Brayton

Christopher C. Lund wrote:

   Fresh off the presses...


 *** MEDIA ADVISORY ***

 Press Conference Announcing Legal Challenge to Intelligent Design
 Curriculum in PA School District

 WHEN:

 Tuesday, December 14, 1:00 p.m.

 WHAT:

 The American Civil Liberties Union of Pennsylvania, Americans United
 for Separation of Church and State and attorneys with Pepper 
Hamilton 
 LLP will file a federal lawsuit on Tuesday on behalf of 11 
parents who 
 say that presenting intelligent design to students in 
public school 
 violates 

RE: Wait, there's more: Leading ID think tank calls Dover evolution policy misguided, calls for it to be withdrawn

2004-12-14 Thread Francis J. Beckwith
Title: Message



I think Sandy's right in this regard: the 
positions that get labeled "science" are "knowledge" and religion merely 
"opinion." In one of the ironies of political liberalism (of the Rawlsian sort), 
these distinctions turn out to be argument-stoppers rather than conversation 
starters. The labeling becomes the whole deal rather than quality of the 
arguments offered by the disputants. If I can peg your positon as 
"religious," I have a ready-made exclusionary rule built into the process--the 
establishment clause--that permits me to reject your positon without wrestling 
with it. 

I'm not saying that is necessarily going on 
in this PA case, which I have not kept up with. Ed could very well be correct 
that the school board's resolution is incoherent drivel. But we should reject it 
because it is incoherent drivel andnot because it is "religion." 


---Francis J. BeckwithAssociate Professor of Church-State 
StudiesAssociate Director, J. M. Dawson Institute of Church-State 
StudiesBaylor University http://www.baylor.edu ph: 
254.710.6464[EMAIL PROTECTED] 
http://francisbeckwith.com


  
  -Original Message-From: 
  [EMAIL PROTECTED] [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] 
  On Behalf Of Sanford LevinsonSent: Tuesday, December 14, 
  2004 4:16 PMTo: Law  Religion issues for Law 
  AcademicsSubject: RE: Wait, there's more: "Leading ID think tank 
  calls Dover evolution policy "misguided, " calls for it to be 
  withdrawn"
  I just listened to an NPR segment quoting one of the 
  supporters of ID saying that it is important that students be presented with 
  alternatives to Darwinism. That is, this is an appeal to the importance 
  of a multiplicity of points of view. Is there a principled way of 
  deciding when that is a desiderata? Consider, e.g., the failure of 
  American public schools to present in any serious way the propositions that a) 
  we have quite a dysfunctional Constitution (a proposition that I personally 
  believe) and b) there are legitimate reasons for various and sundry persons 
  around the globe to hate us (a proposition that I also believe, but not for 
  all of the various and sundry persons who in fact hate us, obviously). I 
  take it that the persons who believe in multiplicity of views with regard to 
  ID are unlikely to accept its importance with regard to my examples. 
  But, conversely, I presume that persons who agree with my examples are likely 
  to be hostile to presenting ID as even a possibility. Is Foucault right, 
  that what counts as "knowledge" (or "disputable theory") is all a matter of 
  social power? (This is not a rhetorical question.)
  
  sandy
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RE: Justice Thomas in Newdow

2004-06-18 Thread Francis J. Beckwith
Title: Message




The sort of "golden rule"argument you are offering 
cuts both ways. For example, I could argue in the following way if I were 
an atheist:


  I would hope that I live in a society in which religious 
  liberty is viewed as one of many fundamental rights that I possess by virtue 
  of the sort of being I am, and that these rights are not contingent upon human 
  insitutitons or human desire, but rather, are grounded in an enternal 
  unchanging mind. Now, as an atheist, I don't believe any of that stuff. I 
  don't believe that there are such things as immaterial moral properties that 
  human beings have by nature, because I am a materialist who believes that 
  things like "natures," "moral properties," etc. have no ontological status 
  whatsoever. However, I am grateful that others believe otherwise. So, I 
  support the recitation of the Pledge because it reinforces notions of liberty 
  that makes it easier for me to be an atheist. So, like the Christian who 
  must tolerate the distracting presence of nudy bars on our interstates as he 
  or she makes her way to church on Sunday mornings, I tolerate the Pledge every 
  morning prior to the start of the school day, and I particularly like 
  the"under God" part, for it puts the "fear of God" in the hearts of 
  those who want to take away my right to believe and practice atheism.  
  Seems like a good bargain to me.
  
Frank





-Original Message-From: 
[EMAIL PROTECTED] [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] 
On Behalf Of [EMAIL PROTECTED]Sent: Friday, June 18, 2004 9:37 
AMTo: [EMAIL PROTECTED]Subject: Re: Justice 
Thomas in Newdow
In a message dated 6/18/04 5:02:57 AM Eastern Daylight 
  Time,[EMAIL PROTECTED] writes:The "lunatic fringe" certainly 
  seems to include a lot of intelligent scholars:As human beings so 
  frequently demonstrate, intelligence (is there a pun in here somewhere?) can 
  certainly be misused in the service of "bad" ends.And, Jim Henderson, 
  your sarcasm does little to advance your argument."Actually, with 
  respect to the pledge. . . perhaps the Supreme Court retrenched and I missed 
  that case. . . . But I'm left to shrug my shoulders and give 
  a constitution-bound sigh."What I find lacking, especially in those 
  who would argue for a weak Establishment Clause, is any honest attempt to put 
  into practice some of what I consider the two related but fundamental 
  religious/moral principles: "Do onto others as you would have them do onto 
  you" and "Love your neighbor as yourself." Both of which exhort us directly or 
  indirectly to empathize with/put ourselves in the position of the person not 
  like ourselves. And incidently I find are related to Rawls' notion of "design 
  a legal system as if you didn't know your place in society."I often 
  wonder how many who argue for a weak Establishment Clause/the discarding of 
  any Establishment Clause test other than coercion (and that with coercion 
  narrowly defined)/making the Establishment Clause inapplicable to state 
  governments (a la Judge Roy Moore) are members of minority religions or 
  nonreligious themselves. It is a great irony that the Baptists argued so 
  fiercely forseparation of church and state when their faith was weak and 
  they were outsiders now that they are in a position of strength argue against 
  the very separation that allow their churches/denomination to flourish--see 
  The Churching ofAmerica. I write this with the knowledge that some 
  Baptists continue in their denomination's historic opposition to 
  government "entanglement" with religion.In the context of religion 
  clause jurisprudence "do onto others" and "love your neighbor," mean that 
  religious people actually put themselves in the shoesof adherents of 
  minority religious or in the shoes of the nonreligious individuals, which is 
  even more difficult, and look at the law, policy, or practice through their 
  eyes. It means truly and honestly making a good faith effort (not merely 
  paying lip service) to put oneself in the place of the person unlike yourself 
  and consider the effect of the law, policy, practice on you in your new 
  persona.Frances R. A. Paterson, J.D., Ed.D.Associate Professor 
  (school law)Department of Educational LeadershipValdosta State 
  UniversityValdosta, GA 
31698
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