Summum Edited Opinion

2009-05-05 Thread Rick Duncan
Does anyone know of a link to a good edited version of Summum? I am teaching a 
First Amendment Course this summer, and I would like to assign an edited 
version of the case (with a link for students to access it).

Thanks, Rick

Rick Duncan 
Welpton Professor of Law 
University of Nebraska College of Law 
Lincoln, NE 68583-0902





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Summum

2009-05-05 Thread Rick Duncan
Never mind. I found a link to an edited version of the Summum opinion. It is 
here if others are interested.

Rick Duncan 
Welpton Professor of Law 
University of Nebraska College of Law 
Lincoln, NE 68583-0902






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RE: Summum

2009-03-27 Thread Ira (Chip) Lupu
Rick likes to call the restriction on government religious speech a heckler's 
veto, because that's a pejorative.  And I must say that the endorsement 
approach, and a focus on offense taken by viewers, feeds that way of framing 
the issue.  But there are far more powerful and persuasive arguments against 
permitting government to express religious sentiments, especially highly 
sectarian ones.  First, there is the age-old problem of destructive fights over 
whose sentiments will prevail.  (In which American cities will Allah be 
praised?  In which ones will officials pray only in the name of Jesus?) Second, 
our government is supposed to be under God, not one with God, or identified 
with a particular conception of God.  Totalitarian states co-opt God, and 
loyalty to God, for their own purposes; the Establishment Clause forbids that 
in the U.S.

Rick keeps harping on liberty and the problems of incorporating the 
Establishment Clause; those problems are well-known.  Suppose the Clause were 
disincorporated.  Does Rick see any constitutional problem with a city that 
puts a permanent cross on City Hall and a sign on the lawn of City Hall that 
says Christians welcome here?  There is no explicit expression that says 
anyone is unwelcome, and no showing of material discrimination against 
non-Christians.  Are that cross and that sign constitutionally OK, Rick? 
(please don't hide behind Christmas displays -- deal with the hypothetical).  

Chip 

 Original message 
Date: Thu, 26 Mar 2009 20:00:19 -0700 (PDT)
From: Rick Duncan nebraskalawp...@yahoo.com  
Subject: RE: Summum  
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu

I agree with Doug that unlike political issues, we don't
need to vote to determine what religion we are. 
 
But much govt speech is not about political issues and   
elections. A lot of government speech endorsing religion   
has to do with govt recognizing religious holidays and   
recognizing religious cultural subgroups in the community or 
as part of the community's history.  
 
If the EC endorsement test only prohibited government speech 
taking an official position on religious doctrines such as   
the doctrine of election or the divinity of Christ, I would  
not be too concerned (although I might still wonder how  
anyone has a liberty interest to justify such a claim under  
the incorporated EC). And frankly, the political process is  
almost always a sufficient check on govt endorsing specific  
religious doctrines. 
 
But, of course, much govt religious speech is of the 
cultural type--Christmas displays or Ten Commandment 
displays and the like. In other words, it is not about   
elections, but about recognizing we are a nation of many 
different communities with many different cultures,  
including religious subgroups and religious cultures, and
religious history.   
 
Religious subgroups are part of the culture as well--if a
public school may celebrate Gay Pride Week and Black History 
Month and Earth Day and Cinco de Mayo, there is no reason to 
forbid it from recognizing Christmas. Those who are offended 
by any of these displays can avert their eyes. There is no   
liberty to silence govt speech recognizing religious 
holidays and religious subgroups as part of a pluralistic
community.   
 
Liberty is best served by protecting the right of the govt   
to recognize that religion is part of the culture and by 
protecting the right to receive govt speech of those who 
wish to view religious displays as part of the govt's
recognition of our culture and pluralism. The heckler's veto 
created by the endorsement test is a liberty-restricting,
not a liberty-protecting, interest. It is a right to control 
what kind of govt expression a willing audience can view,
even though the only burden on the Pl is the burden of   
averting the eye.
 
This is the kind of issue I love discussing in class. And my 
students understand that the solution is not as simple as
saying that religious speech is different from secular   
speech under the First Amendment. Sometimes it is, and   
sometimes it isn't.  
 
Rick Duncan  
Welpton Professor of Law

RE: Summum

2009-03-27 Thread Rick Duncan
Chip asks me:

Rick keeps harping on liberty and the problems of incorporating the
Establishment Clause; those problems are well-known.  Suppose the
Clause were disincorporated.  Does Rick see any constitutional problem
with a city that puts a permanent cross on City Hall and a sign on the
lawn of City Hall that says Christians welcome here?  There is no
explicit expression that says anyone is unwelcome, and no showing of
material discrimination against non-Christians.  Are that cross and
that sign constitutionally OK, Rick? (please don't hide behind
Christmas displays -- deal with the hypothetical).


Okay.
I'll play. If we assume that the EC is not incorporated--or is only
incorporated to the extent of protecting substantial burdens on liberty
interests (i.e., to protect against forced participation in religious
practices or prayer)--then the cross on the lawn of City Hall does not
violate the EC (because the EC does not apply at all). But not
everything that is bad is constitutionally forbidden and not everything
that is good is constitutionally required.

Indeed, the best check on this kind of practice is a combination of state 
constitutional law and democratic self government. 

What
about a city that puts up a large no homophobes allowed sign on the
lawn of city hall. Is that unconstitutional? Does it make many
citizens--and almost all conservative religious citizens--feel unwanted
in the halls of government? Why should we allow govt to express such
hurtful opinions?

The point is that all kinds of government speech is
offensive to some citizens, and makes some citizens feel like political
and cultural outsiders. 

The Court and the law prof community
exaggerates the harm caused by  governmental religious speech and
minimizes the harm caused by governmental secular speech. When a
citizen seeks to enjoin hurtful secular speech by government, we say we
can't allow a heckler's veto to silence govt and the rights of the
willing audience. When a citizens seeks to enjoin hurtful religious
speech by govt, we say he has a right to silence the govt under the EC.

I
guess, to return to my hypothetical (which is more typical than Chip's
example), I think the Gay Pride and Nativity displays should be treated
the same under the law--either they are both subject to being silenced
by an offended passerby, or they both may stand and we tell offended
persons to avert their eyes. 

Perhaps the First Amendment
should be read as a whole (FS, FE,  EC) to forbid government from
endorsing any idea that offends anyone's sincere beliefs and
conscience. No one should be told that he or she is a political,
cultural or religious outsider as a result of the govt's speech. Of
course, public schools may have to close and public parks may have to
be stripped of most displays if we decide to respect everyone's beliefs
from the harm of offensive govt endorsements. But that is the price we
pay for a society that respects the hurt feelings of everyone.

Rick Duncan 
Welpton Professor of Law 
University of Nebraska College of Law 
Lincoln, NE 68583-0902






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RE: Summum

2009-03-27 Thread Volokh, Eugene
Chip Lupu writes:

 Rick likes to call the restriction on government religious speech a
heckler's veto,
 because that's a pejorative.  And I must say that the endorsement
approach, and
 a focus on offense taken by viewers, feeds that way of framing the
issue.  But
 there are far more powerful and persuasive arguments against
permitting
 government to express religious sentiments, especially highly
sectarian ones.
 First, there is the age-old problem of destructive fights over whose
sentiments will
 prevail.  (In which American cities will Allah be praised?  In which
ones will
 officials pray only in the name of Jesus?) 

I appreciate this concern, but let me ask:  Since the Court
started viewing the Establishment Clause as a restraint on government
speech, we've seen lots of pretty divisive fights over religion in
public life (school prayer, the Pledge of Allegiance, creationism, and
the like).  It's possible that these fights are less divisive and
destructive than the fights that would have happened over these subjects
if the Establishment Clause weren't enforced by courts as a restraint on
government speech.  But what reason do we have to be confident of that?
What if Establishment Clause has proven more divisive than the problems
it was supposed to solve?

Eugene
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RE: Summum

2009-03-27 Thread Rick Duncan
I think Eugene makes a great point about the divisiveness caused by the 
endorsement test.

When you enjoin a governmental religious display (such as the Nativity scene I 
keep harping about), you don't merely silence the govt. You also impose 
silence on the willing audience (private citizens who wish to see the display). 
These are many of the same people who were told to avert their eyes when they 
were offended by the Gay Pride display. This adds insult to injury, and results 
in people reasonably feeling like outsiders who must play a heads you win 
tails we lose game with their secular counterparts in the marketplace of ideas.

Rick Duncan 




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RE: Summum

2009-03-27 Thread Bezanson, Randall P
Well ... that assumes that (1) the acceptance of the monument was coupled with 
a decision by the city to commit the monument space in the park to a 
government expressive them, and (2) the Court's rationale (apart from its 
declaration that this applies only to monuments) can be so limited.

Randy Bezanson

-Original Message-
From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Scarberry, Mark
Sent: Thursday, March 26, 2009 7:39 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Summum

Parks, streets and sidewalks have never been seen as forums for
placement of permanent monuments by anyone who wished to do so. Now, if
the city prohibited you from holding an anti-Ten-Commandments-monument
rally in the park, next to the Ten Commandments monument, we'd have more
to talk about.

Mark S. Scarberry
Pepperdine University School of Law
 

-Original Message-
From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Bezanson,
Randall P
Sent: Thursday, March 26, 2009 5:18 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Summum

I'm late to the discussion, but the opinion left me wondering what every
happened to parks, streets and sidewalks as the historic fora for free
speech under the First Amendment?  Can the government simply eliminate a
park from traditional public space for speech by the expedient of
claiming that it is in control of, or the author of, speech in a park
(monument or not)?  If so, what's left of public spaces presumed by
tradition to exist under the First Amendment?

Randy Bezanson (with apologies if this has already been discussed).
University of Iowa
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RE: Summum

2009-03-27 Thread Ira (Chip) Lupu
I can see that Rick just doesn't accept the idea that religion is 
constitutionally distinctive for purposes of non-coercive government support.  
And, without an Establishment Clause, I suppose it's not.  So, in some towns, 
we'll get crosses on City Hall and Christians welcome signs.  (Recall that in 
my hypo, no one was told they were unwelcome, homophobes or not.)  I don't want 
to live in a town that would put a cross (or a Star of David, or other 
sectarian symbol) on City Hall, so I'm quite glad that the Estab Clause does 
apply to the states.

And once we return to the legal status quo, we're back to the question of 
religious distinctiveness.  As Doug says, the government may (sometimes must) 
have policies on war vs. peace, or civil rights of gays.  There is no reason 
for government to have a religious view.  Religious people are not silenced 
by this; they are free in the private sector to express their view.  But they 
don't get government amplification.

Eugene suggests that the endorsement test causes divisiveness.  I'm no fan of 
the test, but it's obvious that all Religion Claus litigation causes 
divisiveness; what does that prove?  Fighting in court over religion clause 
limits sees far less destructive of the polity than fighting in politics over 
whose faith gets amplified by the government.

I noticed that no one wanted to take on the idea that government is under 
God, and not one with God, nor is it free to claim the loyalties associated 
with God.  That's the core here, not the idea of offense, to which Rick 
endlessly returns.

Chip

 Original message 
Date: Fri, 27 Mar 2009 08:22:09 -0700 (PDT)
From: Rick Duncan nebraskalawp...@yahoo.com  
Subject: RE: Summum  
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu

   I think Eugene makes a great point about the 
   divisiveness caused by the endorsement test. 

   When you enjoin a governmental religious display 
   (such as the Nativity scene I keep harping about), 
   you don't merely silence the govt. You also impose   
   silence on the willing audience (private citizens
   who wish to see the display). These are many of the  
   same people who were told to avert their eyes when   
   they were offended by the Gay Pride display. This
   adds insult to injury, and results in people 
   reasonably feeling like outsiders who must play a
   heads you win tails we lose game with their
   secular counterparts in the marketplace of ideas.

   Rick Duncan  

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 Anyone can subscribe to the list and read messages that are posted; people 
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Ira C. Lupu
F. Elwood  Eleanor Davis Professor of Law
George Washington University Law School
2000 H St., NW 
Washington, DC 20052
(202)994-7053
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RE: Summum

2009-03-27 Thread Brownstein, Alan

I think Mark and Randy both make good points, so let me pose a couple of 
hypotheticals to explore the potential range of the Summum opinion.

1. Town X routinely refuses to allow private parades through its central 
business district because of congestion and safety concerns and because once it 
allows some private parades to use this route, traditional public forum 
doctrine will limit its ability to restrict access on the basis of content or 
viewpoint. But X does sponsor a couple of government parades each year through 
the central business district. A group of local churches ask X to give them a 
permit to hold a Christmas parade through the central business district. The 
town says no, but it says that this is such a great idea that it will adopt 
the parade as its own -- in which case the parade can march through the central 
business district. Other religious groups ask the town to permit them to hold 
parades celebrating the holidays of their faith through the central business 
district. The town says no. Did the town violate the free speech clause of 
the First Amendment?

2. A similar hypothetical but the location has changed. Now it is the walls of 
the lobby of a government office building. The administrator of the building 
only permits temporary private displays on the walls under a regime of 
selective access -- so the walls are a non-public forum. There is one flat 
rule, however. All advocacy messages are prohibited.
Some churches want to put up temporary signs that say Be all that you can be 
-- Attend Church -- Join a Church.
The city adopts this message as its own. Similar signs by non-Christian faiths 
are rejected. Is there a violation of the free speech clause of the First 
Amendment?

Alan Brownstein

From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] 
On Behalf Of Bezanson, Randall P [randy-bezan...@uiowa.edu]
Sent: Friday, March 27, 2009 8:35 AM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Summum

Well ... that assumes that (1) the acceptance of the monument was coupled with 
a decision by the city to commit the monument space in the park to a 
government expressive them, and (2) the Court's rationale (apart from its 
declaration that this applies only to monuments) can be so limited.

Randy Bezanson

-Original Message-
From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Scarberry, Mark
Sent: Thursday, March 26, 2009 7:39 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Summum

Parks, streets and sidewalks have never been seen as forums for
placement of permanent monuments by anyone who wished to do so. Now, if
the city prohibited you from holding an anti-Ten-Commandments-monument
rally in the park, next to the Ten Commandments monument, we'd have more
to talk about.

Mark S. Scarberry
Pepperdine University School of Law


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RE: Summum

2009-03-27 Thread Brownstein, Alan
Since this thread allegedly began with a focus on the Summum case, it might be 
helpful to focus the discussion on the core Establishment Clause issue raised 
by the case -- that of denominational preferentialism.

In that context, I find arguments about a heckler's veto to be unpersuasive. If 
a town has a nativity scene in the Park in front of City Hall, and a Jewish 
groups donates a Menorah to the town to be displayed in s similar location. If 
the town refuses to display the Menorah, the ensuing dispute bears little 
resemblance to a heckler's veto context. There may be a bit of an implicit 
heckler's veto to any equality claim to the extent that one way for the state 
to achieve equality is by eliminating  the benefit to the favored class, but 
equality claims can also be satisfied, of course, by extending the benefit -- 
and that is often the claimant's goal.

Moreover, the idea of a heckler's veto suggests that it is the fact that people 
oppose the speaker's message, standing alone, that justifies restricting the 
speaker's speech. That isn't the way we understand and apply other first 
amendment principles that require courts to make some determination about 
social reality, and it isn't a meaningful way to think about the endorsement 
test either. Speech isn't found to be fighting words just because someone 
claims that the expression made them angry enough to start a fight. Speech 
isn't found to be a threat just because someone claims that they were 
frightened by the message. Speech doesn't violate the Brandenburg standard just 
because someone claims that they were incited by the expression and the list 
could go on. The endorsement test requires some judicial evaluation of social 
reality -- just as these other tests do -- and some judicial determination of 
what constitutes an endorsement. 

This doesn't mean that the endorsement test is particularly easy to interpret 
or apply. But it involves more than a heckler's veto.

Alan Brownstein 

From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] 
On Behalf Of Ira (Chip) Lupu [icl...@law.gwu.edu]
Sent: Friday, March 27, 2009 8:52 AM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Summum

I can see that Rick just doesn't accept the idea that religion is 
constitutionally distinctive for purposes of non-coercive government support.  
And, without an Establishment Clause, I suppose it's not.  So, in some towns, 
we'll get crosses on City Hall and Christians welcome signs.  (Recall that in 
my hypo, no one was told they were unwelcome, homophobes or not.)  I don't want 
to live in a town that would put a cross (or a Star of David, or other 
sectarian symbol) on City Hall, so I'm quite glad that the Estab Clause does 
apply to the states.

And once we return to the legal status quo, we're back to the question of 
religious distinctiveness.  As Doug says, the government may (sometimes must) 
have policies on war vs. peace, or civil rights of gays.  There is no reason 
for government to have a religious view.  Religious people are not silenced 
by this; they are free in the private sector to express their view.  But they 
don't get government amplification.

Eugene suggests that the endorsement test causes divisiveness.  I'm no fan of 
the test, but it's obvious that all Religion Claus litigation causes 
divisiveness; what does that prove?  Fighting in court over religion clause 
limits sees far less destructive of the polity than fighting in politics over 
whose faith gets amplified by the government.

I noticed that no one wanted to take on the idea that government is under 
God, and not one with God, nor is it free to claim the loyalties associated 
with God.  That's the core here, not the idea of offense, to which Rick 
endlessly returns.

Chip

 Original message 
Date: Fri, 27 Mar 2009 08:22:09 -0700 (PDT)
From: Rick Duncan nebraskalawp...@yahoo.com
Subject: RE: Summum
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu

   I think Eugene makes a great point about the
   divisiveness caused by the endorsement test.

   When you enjoin a governmental religious display
   (such as the Nativity scene I keep harping about),
   you don't merely silence the govt. You also impose
   silence on the willing audience (private citizens
   who wish to see the display). These are many of the
   same people who were told to avert their eyes when
   they were offended by the Gay Pride display. This
   adds insult to injury, and results in people
   reasonably feeling like outsiders who must play a
   heads you win tails we lose game with their
   secular counterparts in the marketplace of ideas.

   Rick Duncan

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Please note

RE: Summum

2009-03-27 Thread Christopher Lund
Professor Volokh's empirical statement might be true.  But what if it is
also true about coercion?  Perhaps division might be reduced if
government could coerce religiously.  I think the Innerchange litigation
was far more controversial than the program; maybe prisons should be
able to freely give prisoners benefits if they convert to Christianity. 
And allowing coercion may not mean jail time for anyone.  The same
political process that stops the more polarizing sort of endorsements
will also check the harsher forms of governmental coercion.  When
Professor Volokh asked, What if Establishment Clause has proven more
divisive than the problems it was supposed to solve? - what if that's
true for the Establishment Clause wholesale, and not just the
endorsement part of it?
 
As for the empirics, the counterfactual that Professor Volokh suggests
- what would our world be like if government could endorse religion? -
is obviously hard to run with the endorsement rule still in place.  But
we've run it with legislative prayer.  And I think it's been pretty bad
for religious liberty: Believers kept out of the rotation because of
their minority affiliations, listeners outraged by denominational
prayer, speakers outraged by being told not to pray in denominational
terms, elections decided on the basis of some legislative prayer issue. 
All of this, as Doug said, totally gratuitous to governance.  Of course,
maybe the situation would be worse if Marsh had been decided the other
way.  It's impossible to say for sure, but I think there is reason to
doubt that claim.  There would have been some hostility to the Supreme
Court, of course.  But it would have been directed mostly at the Court,
right?  And how much more additional hostility above
Engel/Schempp/Stone?  And wouldn't that hostility have tended to
diminish in the years that followed?  It's 25 years after Marsh, and in
terms of division, I sense that legislative prayer is only just getting
started.
 
Best,
Chris
 
__
Christopher C. Lund
Assistant Professor of Law
Mississippi College School of Law
151 E. Griffith St.
Jackson, MS  39201
(601) 925-7141 (office)
(601) 925-7113 (fax)
Papers: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/cf_dev/AbsByAuth.cfm?per_id=363402


 vol...@law.ucla.edu 3/27/2009 10:09 AM 

Chip Lupu writes:

 Rick likes to call the restriction on government religious speech a
heckler's veto,
 because that's a pejorative.  And I must say that the endorsement
approach, and
 a focus on offense taken by viewers, feeds that way of framing the
issue.  But
 there are far more powerful and persuasive arguments against
permitting
 government to express religious sentiments, especially highly
sectarian ones.
 First, there is the age-old problem of destructive fights over whose
sentiments will
 prevail.  (In which American cities will Allah be praised?  In which
ones will
 officials pray only in the name of Jesus?) 

I appreciate this concern, but let me ask:  Since the Court
started viewing the Establishment Clause as a restraint on government
speech, we've seen lots of pretty divisive fights over religion in
public life (school prayer, the Pledge of Allegiance, creationism, and
the like).  It's possible that these fights are less divisive and
destructive than the fights that would have happened over these
subjects
if the Establishment Clause weren't enforced by courts as a restraint
on
government speech.  But what reason do we have to be confident of
that?
What if Establishment Clause has proven more divisive than the
problems
it was supposed to solve?

Eugene
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messages to others.

RE: Summum

2009-03-27 Thread Douglas Laycock


You don't silence the Nativity scene.  You force the private sector to put it 
up on private land or in a public forum. 

Quoting Rick Duncan nebraskalawp...@yahoo.com:

 I think Eugene makes a great point about the divisiveness caused by 
 the endorsement test.

 When you enjoin a governmental religious display (such as the 
 Nativity scene I keep harping about), you don't merely silence the 
 govt. You also impose silence on the willing audience (private 
 citizens who wish to see the display). These are many of the same 
 people who were told to avert their eyes when they were offended by 
 the Gay Pride display. This adds insult to injury, and results in 
 people reasonably feeling like outsiders who must play a heads you 
 win tails we lose game with their secular counterparts in the 
 marketplace of ideas.

 Rick Duncan






Douglas Laycock
Yale Kamisar Collegiate Professor of Law
University of Michigan Law School
625 S. State St.
Ann Arbor, MI  48109-1215
  734-647-9713___
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Summum

2009-03-26 Thread Rick Duncan
Here are some thoughts of mine I am sharing today with the students in my Con 
law Seminar in which one of the students is presenting today on Summam:

I was re-reading Summum this morning, because Mark is going to give his
presentation on the case this afternoon. And here is something that
struck me about Justice Alito's opinion.

He starts off giving a tribute to the essential nature of government speech. He 
says:

-- the Free Speech Clause... does not regulate government speech

-- a government entity has the right to speak for itself

--government is entitled to say what it wishes

--government may select the views it wants to express

--It is the very business of government to favor and disfavor points of view

--it is not easy to imagine how government could function if it lacked this 
freedom

--To
govern, government has to say something, and a First Amendment
heckler's veto of any forced contribution to raising the government's
voice in the 'marketplace of ideas' would be out of the question.

Yet,
without missing a beat or apparently even being aware of the
contradiction, Alito goes on to say that of course government speech
must comport with the Establishment Clause.

Why should this be
so? Why should the Court be so ready to accept a heckler's veto
against passive government speech--such as a nativity display in a
public park acknowledging the fact of the Christmas holiday? Why should
we think that the government's critically important right to say what
it wishes and to express the viewpoints it chooses is subject to being
enjoined at the whim of any citizen who is offended by the government's
message acknowledging religion. How could the doctrine of incorporation, which 
protects only
liberty interests against state deprivations, give a citizen the
right to restrict government from saying what it wishes by means of a
passive display that restricts the liberty of no one, since all one
need do if one is offended by a passive display recognizing a religious
holiday is to avert one's eye? Is the endorsement test a
liberty-protecting test, or is it a structural limitation on government
that somehow was mistakenly incorporated as a liberty under the 14th
Amendment?

These are the questions that keep me up late at night
pondering the inconsistencies of the Court's treatment of government
speech.


Of course, some will say religious speech by government is different, because 
the EC restricts the power of government to endorse religious ideas. But isn't 
that a structural limitation on government, as opposed to a protection of 
liberty? And how can a structural rule restricting the power of Congress under 
the First Amendment apply against state governments under a test that 
explicitly incorporates only liberty interests against state deprivations?

The thing about the Summum opinion that struck me so vividly was the contrast 
between Alito's tribute to the right of the state to say what it wishes as 
essential to the very nature of government and his casual acceptance of the EC 
as a limitation on the speech of the states. Heckler's vetos are bad except 
when they are good!

Just a few thoughts about a recent decision I thought I would share with the 
list.

Cheers.

Rick Duncan 
Welpton Professor of Law 
University of Nebraska College of Law 
Lincoln, NE 68583-0902


Democracy is two wolves and a lamb voting on what to have for lunch. Liberty 
is a well-armed lamb contesting 
the vote.--Ben Franklin (perhaps misattributed, but still worthy of Franklin)

It's a funny thing about us human beings: not many of us doubt God's existence 
and then start sinning. Most of us sin and then start doubting His existence.  
--J. Budziszewski (The Revenge of Conscience)     Once again the ancient maxim 
is vindicated, that the perversion of the best is the worst. -- Id.





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RE: Summum

2009-03-26 Thread Brownstein, Alan
Just a few quick points.

1. There is nothing in Justice Alito's comments that limit his remarks about 
government speech to passive government speech. Government can say what it 
wants to say actively or passively. If government has unlimited discretion in 
communicating its own messages and that power is not limited by the 
Establishment Clause, why can't government proselytize in favor of particular 
faiths.

2. You could substitute spending for speech in most of Alito's comments. 
Government has tremendous discretion in deciding how it will spend its money. 
This power is not limited by the Free Speech Clause. But many of us would argue 
that the Establishment Clause constrains the government's power to subsidize 
the religious activities of particular faiths and not others.

3. Government may express passive messages in places other than public 
property. Suppose the government purchased a large cross and requested 
permission to locate it on the grounds of a particular church that it favored. 
Would that violate the Establishment Clause? If the government can single out a 
particular faith community's religious message and adopt it as its own and 
dedicate public property as the site for the communication of that message -- 
all in the name of unrestricted government speech -- why can't the government 
create its own religious display and exhibit it on private property that it 
selects (with the owner's permission)?

4. While I certainly appreciate the argument that government attempts to 
influence the religious beliefs of the community through government speech 
implicate religious liberty interests, I would have thought that the obvious 
value at issue in the Summum case was religious equality. The government adopts 
the religious message of one faith community and rejects the religious message 
of a different faith community. The analogy here would be a city that adopts 
religious displays to celebrate Christian holidays, but refuses to accept 
displays celebrating the holidays of other faith communities. The question 
raised by Summum that the Court alluded to -- but did not directly address -- 
is the extent to which the Establishment Clause limits this kind of government 
preferentialism.  I suspect some of Rick's students may raise this point even 
though it is is not suggested by his comments.

Alan Brownstein

From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] 
On Behalf Of Rick Duncan [nebraskalawp...@yahoo.com]
Sent: Thursday, March 26, 2009 8:22 AM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Summum

Here are some thoughts of mine I am sharing today with the students in my Con 
law Seminar in which one of the students is presenting today on Summam:

I was re-reading Summum this morning, because Mark is going to give his 
presentation on the case this afternoon. And here is something that struck me 
about Justice Alito's opinion.

He starts off giving a tribute to the essential nature of government speech. He 
says:

-- the Free Speech Clause... does not regulate government speech

-- a government entity has the right to speak for itself

--government is entitled to say what it wishes

--government may select the views it wants to express

--It is the very business of government to favor and disfavor points of view

--it is not easy to imagine how government could function if it lacked this 
freedom

--To govern, government has to say something, and a First Amendment heckler's 
veto of any forced contribution to raising the government's voice in the 
'marketplace of ideas' would be out of the question.

Yet, without missing a beat or apparently even being aware of the 
contradiction, Alito goes on to say that of course government speech must 
comport with the Establishment Clause.

Why should this be so? Why should the Court be so ready to accept a heckler's 
veto against passive government speech--such as a nativity display in a public 
park acknowledging the fact of the Christmas holiday? Why should we think that 
the government's critically important right to say what it wishes and to 
express the viewpoints it chooses is subject to being enjoined at the whim of 
any citizen who is offended by the government's message acknowledging religion. 
How could the doctrine of incorporation, which protects only liberty 
interests against state deprivations, give a citizen the right to restrict 
government from saying what it wishes by means of a passive display that 
restricts the liberty of no one, since all one need do if one is offended by a 
passive display recognizing a religious holiday is to avert one's eye? Is the 
endorsement test a liberty-protecting test, or is it a structural limitation 
on government that somehow was mistakenly incorporated as a li!
 berty under the 14th Amendment?

These are the questions that keep me up late at night pondering the 
inconsistencies of the Court's treatment of government

RE: Summum

2009-03-26 Thread Rick Duncan
I appreciate Alan's many good points about the EC. Of course, we all discuss 
all of these points when we cover the EC in our classes.

My post about Alito's opinion in Summam--in which he describes the government's 
ability to choose its own message and its own viewpoints as essential to the 
conduct of government--and then says oh, but religious speech by government is 
different, raises a different issue which I think also deserves discussion in 
the classroom.

Certainly, religious equality is important, but so is cultural equality and 
political equality.

Imagine two passive displays in a public school--one is a nativity scene 
recognizing the fact that many in the community are celebrating Christmas, and 
the other is a gay pride display which says support gay equality and stop 
homophobia.

Both of these displays are challenged by students who find them offensive--the 
nativity display by  student A who is offended by the  schools endorsement of 
religion and the gay pride display by student B, a conservative Christian who 
is offended by the school's endorsement of the message that his religious 
belief about human sexuality is wrong and must be stopped.

Many of you would agree with Justice Alito that the government has a right to 
take a position denouncing homophobia and that we would deny an essential 
part of government's power if we allow student B a heckler's veto enjoining the 
government's right to express its message. So long as the government does not 
coerce student B into affirming his support for the government's viewpoint, his 
remedy is to avert his eye rather than to silence the government and those who 
wish to receive the government's message about gay rights.

But not so with student A and his objection to the Christmas display. Even 
though his liberty is in no way deprived by a passive display recognizing a 
religious holiday being celebrated by many in the community, he has the right 
to censor government speech endorsing religion. Suddenly, government speech is 
not so essential and is subject to a heckler's veto by anyone who takes offense.

If Alito is right and the essence of government is to speak out and take the 
viewpoints of its choice on issues that come up in the marketplace of ideas, 
why should the EC be interpreted as protecting a non-liberty interest of 
hecklers to censor religious viewpoints expressed by state and local 
governments?

Because student A feels like an outsider as a result of the state's nativity 
display? But doesn't student B, the religious homophobe, feel even more like 
an unwanted outsider when the state endorse the gay pride display and the 
message that homophobia such as his religious beliefs must be stopped?

We all cover the issues Alan raises. But I suspect many of us do not point out 
the contrast between those offended by the government's secular speech and 
those offended by the government's religious speech. And even if you accept 
that the EC is properly incorporated as a liberty interest under the 14th 
Amendment, what explains the Court's many cases protecting non-liberty claims 
under the judicially-created endorsement test. The endorsement test is a 
structural test, not a liberty-protecting test.

I think it makes teaching the EC far more interesting when you ask some of 
these hard questions about the endorsement test as applied via incorporation to 
the states, and point out the contrast between what Alito's says about 
government speech in general and what he says only a sentence or two later 
about the EC as a limitation on the government's power to choose its messages.



Rick Duncan 
Welpton Professor of Law 
University of Nebraska College of Law 
Lincoln, NE 68583-0902


Democracy is two wolves and a lamb voting on what to have for lunch. Liberty 
is a well-armed lamb contesting 
the vote.--Ben Franklin (perhaps misattributed, but still worthy of Franklin)

It's a funny thing about us human beings: not many of us doubt God's existence 
and then start sinning. Most of us sin and then start doubting His existence.  
--J. Budziszewski (The Revenge of Conscience)     Once again the ancient maxim 
is vindicated, that the perversion of the best is the worst. -- Id.

--- On Thu, 3/26/09, Brownstein, Alan aebrownst...@ucdavis.edu wrote:

From: Brownstein, Alan aebrownst...@ucdavis.edu
Subject: RE: Summum
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu
Date: Thursday, March 26, 2009, 10:29 AM

Just a few quick points.

1. There is nothing in Justice Alito's comments that limit his remarks about 
government speech to passive government speech. Government can say what it 
wants to say actively or passively. If government has unlimited discretion in 
communicating its own messages and that power is not limited by the 
Establishment Clause, why can't government proselytize in favor of particular 
faiths.

2. You could substitute spending for speech in most of Alito's comments. 
Government has tremendous

RE: Summum

2009-03-26 Thread Douglas Laycock


Actually, I raised Rick's question in class today.  Not with respect to Summum, 
which we haven't gotten to yet, but with respect to the difference between the 
remedy in Barnette and the remedy in Engel and Schempp.  Students pretty 
quickly decided that government couldn't govern if it couldn't try to influence 
public opinion on political issues.  Political issues require a collective 
decision; we debate and lobby and hold elections and eventually, the people or 
their elected representatives vote. 

There is no need for a collective decision on religion.  We don't have to vote 
to determine what religion we are; we can be a lot of different religions.  
Election campaigns and voting about what religion we really are would be a 
wholly unnecessary source of conflict.  And letting the self-presumed majority, 
or noisiest minority, seize control of the government's religion without a vote 
is no better.   

We protect individual liberty by maximizing individual choice, and with respect 
to religion, there is no reason to limit individual choice even to the extent 
of permitting government persuasion -- or government propaganda. 

Quoting Rick Duncan nebraskalawp...@yahoo.com:

 I appreciate Alan's many good points about the EC. Of course, we all 
 discuss all of these points when we cover the EC in our classes.

 My post about Alito's opinion in Summam--in which he describes the 
 government's ability to choose its own message and its own viewpoints 
 as essential to the conduct of government--and then says oh, but 
 religious speech by government is different, raises a different issue 
 which I think also deserves discussion in the classroom.

 Certainly, religious equality is important, but so is cultural 
 equality and political equality.

 Imagine two passive displays in a public school--one is a nativity 
 scene recognizing the fact that many in the community are celebrating 
 Christmas, and the other is a gay pride display which says support 
 gay equality and stop homophobia.

 Both of these displays are challenged by students who find them 
 offensive--the nativity display by  student A who is offended by the  
 schools endorsement of religion and the gay pride display by 
 student B, a conservative Christian who is offended by the school's 
 endorsement of the message that his religious belief about human 
 sexuality is wrong and must be stopped.

 Many of you would agree with Justice Alito that the government has a 
 right to take a position denouncing homophobia and that we would 
 deny an essential part of government's power if we allow student B a 
 heckler's veto enjoining the government's right to express its 
 message. So long as the government does not coerce student B into 
 affirming his support for the government's viewpoint, his remedy is 
 to avert his eye rather than to silence the government and those who 
 wish to receive the government's message about gay rights.

 But not so with student A and his objection to the Christmas display. 
 Even though his liberty is in no way deprived by a passive display 
 recognizing a religious holiday being celebrated by many in the 
 community, he has the right to censor government speech endorsing 
 religion. Suddenly, government speech is not so essential and is 
 subject to a heckler's veto by anyone who takes offense.

 If Alito is right and the essence of government is to speak out and 
 take the viewpoints of its choice on issues that come up in the 
 marketplace of ideas, why should the EC be interpreted as protecting 
 a non-liberty interest of hecklers to censor religious viewpoints 
 expressed by state and local governments?

 Because student A feels like an outsider as a result of the state's 
 nativity display? But doesn't student B, the religious homophobe, 
 feel even more like an unwanted outsider when the state endorse the 
 gay pride display and the message that homophobia such as his 
 religious beliefs must be stopped?

 We all cover the issues Alan raises. But I suspect many of us do not 
 point out the contrast between those offended by the government's 
 secular speech and those offended by the government's religious 
 speech. And even if you accept that the EC is properly incorporated 
 as a liberty interest under the 14th Amendment, what explains the 
 Court's many cases protecting non-liberty claims under the 
 judicially-created endorsement test. The endorsement test is a 
 structural test, not a liberty-protecting test.

 I think it makes teaching the EC far more interesting when you ask 
 some of these hard questions about the endorsement test as applied 
 via incorporation to the states, and point out the contrast between 
 what Alito's says about government speech in general and what he says 
 only a sentence or two later about the EC as a limitation on the 
 government's power to choose its messages.



 Rick Duncan
 Welpton Professor of Law
 University of Nebraska College of Law
 Lincoln, NE 68583-0902

RE: Summum

2009-03-26 Thread Bezanson, Randall P
I'm late to the discussion, but the opinion left me wondering what every 
happened to parks, streets and sidewalks as the historic fora for free speech 
under the First Amendment?  Can the government simply eliminate a park from 
traditional public space for speech by the expedient of claiming that it is in 
control of, or the author of, speech in a park (monument or not)?  If so, 
what's left of public spaces presumed by tradition to exist under the First 
Amendment?

Randy Bezanson (with apologies if this has already been discussed).
University of Iowa

From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] 
On Behalf Of Brownstein, Alan [aebrownst...@ucdavis.edu]
Sent: Thursday, March 26, 2009 12:29 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Summum

Just a few quick points.

1. There is nothing in Justice Alito's comments that limit his remarks about 
government speech to passive government speech. Government can say what it 
wants to say actively or passively. If government has unlimited discretion in 
communicating its own messages and that power is not limited by the 
Establishment Clause, why can't government proselytize in favor of particular 
faiths.

2. You could substitute spending for speech in most of Alito's comments. 
Government has tremendous discretion in deciding how it will spend its money. 
This power is not limited by the Free Speech Clause. But many of us would argue 
that the Establishment Clause constrains the government's power to subsidize 
the religious activities of particular faiths and not others.

3. Government may express passive messages in places other than public 
property. Suppose the government purchased a large cross and requested 
permission to locate it on the grounds of a particular church that it favored. 
Would that violate the Establishment Clause? If the government can single out a 
particular faith community's religious message and adopt it as its own and 
dedicate public property as the site for the communication of that message -- 
all in the name of unrestricted government speech -- why can't the government 
create its own religious display and exhibit it on private property that it 
selects (with the owner's permission)?

4. While I certainly appreciate the argument that government attempts to 
influence the religious beliefs of the community through government speech 
implicate religious liberty interests, I would have thought that the obvious 
value at issue in the Summum case was religious equality. The government adopts 
the religious message of one faith community and rejects the religious message 
of a different faith community. The analogy here would be a city that adopts 
religious displays to celebrate Christian holidays, but refuses to accept 
displays celebrating the holidays of other faith communities. The question 
raised by Summum that the Court alluded to -- but did not directly address -- 
is the extent to which the Establishment Clause limits this kind of government 
preferentialism.  I suspect some of Rick's students may raise this point even 
though it is is not suggested by his comments.

Alan Brownstein

From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] 
On Behalf Of Rick Duncan [nebraskalawp...@yahoo.com]
Sent: Thursday, March 26, 2009 8:22 AM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Summum

Here are some thoughts of mine I am sharing today with the students in my Con 
law Seminar in which one of the students is presenting today on Summam:

I was re-reading Summum this morning, because Mark is going to give his 
presentation on the case this afternoon. And here is something that struck me 
about Justice Alito's opinion.

He starts off giving a tribute to the essential nature of government speech. He 
says:

-- the Free Speech Clause... does not regulate government speech

-- a government entity has the right to speak for itself

--government is entitled to say what it wishes

--government may select the views it wants to express

--It is the very business of government to favor and disfavor points of view

--it is not easy to imagine how government could function if it lacked this 
freedom

--To govern, government has to say something, and a First Amendment heckler's 
veto of any forced contribution to raising the government's voice in the 
'marketplace of ideas' would be out of the question.

Yet, without missing a beat or apparently even being aware of the 
contradiction, Alito goes on to say that of course government speech must 
comport with the Establishment Clause.

Why should this be so? Why should the Court be so ready to accept a heckler's 
veto against passive government speech--such as a nativity display in a public 
park acknowledging the fact of the Christmas holiday? Why should we think that 
the government's critically important right to say what it wishes

RE: Summum

2009-03-26 Thread Scarberry, Mark
Parks, streets and sidewalks have never been seen as forums for
placement of permanent monuments by anyone who wished to do so. Now, if
the city prohibited you from holding an anti-Ten-Commandments-monument
rally in the park, next to the Ten Commandments monument, we'd have more
to talk about.

Mark S. Scarberry
Pepperdine University School of Law
 

-Original Message-
From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Bezanson,
Randall P
Sent: Thursday, March 26, 2009 5:18 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Summum

I'm late to the discussion, but the opinion left me wondering what every
happened to parks, streets and sidewalks as the historic fora for free
speech under the First Amendment?  Can the government simply eliminate a
park from traditional public space for speech by the expedient of
claiming that it is in control of, or the author of, speech in a park
(monument or not)?  If so, what's left of public spaces presumed by
tradition to exist under the First Amendment?

Randy Bezanson (with apologies if this has already been discussed).
University of Iowa
___
To post, send message to Religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu
To subscribe, unsubscribe, change options, or get password, see 
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Please note that messages sent to this large list cannot be viewed as private.  
Anyone can subscribe to the list and read messages that are posted; people can 
read the Web archives; and list members can (rightly or wrongly) forward the 
messages to others.


RE: Summum

2009-03-26 Thread Rick Duncan
I agree with Doug that unlike political issues, we don't need to vote to 
determine what religion we are.
 
But much govt speech is not about political issues and elections. A lot of 
government speech endorsing religion has to do with govt recognizing 
religious holidays and recognizing religious cultural subgroups in the 
community or as part of the community's history.

If the EC endorsement test only prohibited government speech taking an official 
position on religious doctrines such as the doctrine of election or the 
divinity of Christ, I would not be too concerned (although I might still wonder 
how anyone has a liberty interest to justify such a claim under the 
incorporated EC). And frankly, the political process is almost always a 
sufficient check on govt endorsing specific religious doctrines.

But, of course, much govt religious speech is of the cultural type--Christmas 
displays or Ten Commandment displays and the like. In other words, it is not 
about elections, but about recognizing we are a nation of many different 
communities with many different cultures, including religious subgroups and 
religious cultures, and religious history.

Religious subgroups are part of the culture as well--if a public school may 
celebrate Gay Pride Week and Black History Month and Earth Day and Cinco de 
Mayo, there is no reason to forbid it from recognizing Christmas. Those who are 
offended by any of these displays can avert their eyes. There is no liberty to 
silence govt speech recognizing religious holidays and religious subgroups as 
part of a pluralistic community. 

Liberty is best served by protecting the right of the govt to recognize that 
religion is part of the culture and by protecting the right to receive govt 
speech of those who wish to view religious displays as part of the govt's 
recognition of our culture and pluralism. The heckler's veto created by the 
endorsement test is a liberty-restricting, not a liberty-protecting, interest. 
It is a right to control what kind of govt expression a willing audience can 
view, even though the only burden on the Pl is the burden of averting the eye.

This is the kind of issue I love discussing in class. And my students 
understand that the solution is not as simple as saying that religious speech 
is different from secular speech under the First Amendment. Sometimes it is, 
and sometimes it isn't.


Rick Duncan 
Welpton Professor of Law 
University of Nebraska College of Law 
Lincoln, NE 68583-0902


Democracy is two wolves and a lamb voting on what to have for lunch. Liberty 
is a well-armed lamb contesting 
the vote.--Ben Franklin (perhaps misattributed, but still worthy of Franklin)

It's a funny thing about us human beings: not many of us doubt God's existence 
and then start sinning. Most of us sin and then start doubting His existence.  
--J. Budziszewski (The Revenge of Conscience)     Once again the ancient maxim 
is vindicated, that the perversion of the best is the worst. -- Id.

--- On Thu, 3/26/09, Douglas Laycock layco...@umich.edu wrote:

From: Douglas Laycock layco...@umich.edu
Subject: RE: Summum
To: religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu
Date: Thursday, March 26, 2009, 2:44 PM


-Inline Attachment Follows-

Actually, I raised Rick's question in class today.  Not with respect to Summum, 
which we haven't gotten to yet, but with respect to the difference between the 
remedy in Barnette and the remedy in Engel and Schempp.  Students pretty 
quickly decided that government couldn't govern if it couldn't try to influence 
public opinion on political issues.  Political issues require a collective 
decision; we debate and lobby and hold elections and eventually, the people or 
their elected representatives vote.
  There is no need for a collective decision on religion.  We don't have to 
vote to determine what religion we are; we can be a lot of different 
religions.  Election campaigns and voting about what religion we really are 
would be a wholly unnecessary source of conflict.  And letting the 
self-presumed majority, or noisiest minority, seize control of the government's 
religion without a vote is no better.  
  We protect individual liberty by maximizing individual choice, and with 
respect to religion, there is no reason to limit individual choice even to the 
extent of permitting government persuasion -- or government propaganda.
  Quoting Rick Duncan nebraskalawp...@yahoo.com:

 I appreciate Alan's many good points about the EC. Of course, we all 
 discuss all of these points when we cover the EC in our classes.

 My post about Alito's opinion in Summam--in which he describes the 
 government's ability to choose its own message and its own viewpoints 
 as essential to the conduct of government--and then says oh, but 
 religious speech by government is different, raises a different issue 
 which I think also deserves discussion in the classroom.

 Certainly, religious equality is important, but so is cultural 
 equality

Summum loses

2009-02-25 Thread Joel Sogol
http://www.supremecourtus.gov/opinions/08pdf/07-665.pdf

 

 

Joel L. Sogol

Attorney at Law

811 21st Avenue

Tuscaloosa, Alabama  35401

ph (205) 345-0966

fx  (205) 345-0967

 mailto:jlsa...@wwisp.com jlsa...@wwisp.com

 

Ben Franklin observed that truth wins a fair fight -- which is why we have
evidence rules in U.S. courts.

 

___
To post, send message to Religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu
To subscribe, unsubscribe, change options, or get password, see 
http://lists.ucla.edu/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/religionlaw

Please note that messages sent to this large list cannot be viewed as private.  
Anyone can subscribe to the list and read messages that are posted; people can 
read the Web archives; and list members can (rightly or wrongly) forward the 
messages to others.

RE: Summum loses

2009-02-25 Thread Friedman, Howard M.
Joel-- Thanks for catching this quickly. For anyone interested, I now
have some excerpts etc. from the decision up on Religion Clause.  

http://religionclause.blogspot.com/2009/02/supreme-court-says-utah-city-
is-not.html

 

*
Howard M. Friedman 
Disting. Univ. Professor Emeritus
University of Toledo College of Law
Toledo, OH 43606-3390 
Phone: (419) 530-2911, FAX (419) 530-4732 
E-mail: howard.fried...@utoledo.edu 
* 



From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Joel Sogol
Sent: Wednesday, February 25, 2009 12:39 PM
To: Religionlaw
Subject: Summum loses

 

http://www.supremecourtus.gov/opinions/08pdf/07-665.pdf

 

 

Joel L. Sogol

Attorney at Law

811 21st Avenue

Tuscaloosa, Alabama  35401

ph (205) 345-0966

fx  (205) 345-0967

jlsa...@wwisp.com

 

Ben Franklin observed that truth wins a fair fight -- which is why we
have evidence rules in U.S. courts.

 

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Re: Summum Oral Argument Transcript Available

2008-11-13 Thread Christopher Lund
After reading the oral argument transcript, I think Summum is going to
have a tough time.

 
If people are interested, I have posted more extensive comments about
the oral argument in Summum at Prawfsblawg,
http://prawfsblawg.blogs.com/prawfsblawg/2008/11/oral-argument-i.html#more
 
 
It's actually part of a set of posts on Summum.  The earlier posts are
here,
http://prawfsblawg.blogs.com/prawfsblawg/2008/11/pleasant-grove.html
and 
http://prawfsblawg.blogs.com/prawfsblawg/2008/11/the-weird-lineu.html 
 
Best,
Chris
 
__
Christopher C. Lund
Assistant Professor of Law
Mississippi College School of Law
151 E. Griffith St.
Jackson, MS  39201
(601) 925-7141 (office)
(601) 925-7113 (fax)
Papers: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/cf_dev/AbsByAuth.cfm?per_id=363402


 [EMAIL PROTECTED] 11/12/2008 2:32 PM 

thank you very much

On Wed, Nov 12, 2008 at 3:24 PM, Friedman, Howard M.
[EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:
 The full transcript of oral arguments in the Supreme Court this
morning in
 the Summum (Seven Aphorisms) case is now available. I have links to
it and
 to extensive additional material available at this Religion Clause
posting:

http://religionclause.blogspot.com/2008/11/seven-aphorism-case-argued-in-supreme.html


 *
 Howard M. Friedman
 Disting. Univ. Professor Emeritus
 University of Toledo College of Law
 Toledo, OH 43606-3390
 Phone: (419) 530-2911, FAX (419) 530-4732
 E-mail: [EMAIL PROTECTED] 
 *



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-- 
Tom Carter
Communications Director
The Becket Fund for Religious Liberty
202-349-7205 (office)
202-538-2044 (cell)
www.becketfund.org 
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Summum Oral Argument Transcript Available

2008-11-12 Thread Friedman, Howard M.
The full transcript of oral arguments in the Supreme Court this morning
in the Summum (Seven Aphorisms) case is now available. I have links to
it and to extensive additional material available at this Religion
Clause posting:
http://religionclause.blogspot.com/2008/11/seven-aphorism-case-argued-in
-supreme.html

*
Howard M. Friedman 
Disting. Univ. Professor Emeritus
University of Toledo College of Law
Toledo, OH 43606-3390 
Phone: (419) 530-2911, FAX (419) 530-4732 
E-mail: [EMAIL PROTECTED] 
* 

 

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Re: Summum Oral Argument Transcript Available

2008-11-12 Thread Tom Carter
thank you very much

On Wed, Nov 12, 2008 at 3:24 PM, Friedman, Howard M.
[EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:
 The full transcript of oral arguments in the Supreme Court this morning in
 the Summum (Seven Aphorisms) case is now available. I have links to it and
 to extensive additional material available at this Religion Clause posting:
 http://religionclause.blogspot.com/2008/11/seven-aphorism-case-argued-in-supreme.html

 *
 Howard M. Friedman
 Disting. Univ. Professor Emeritus
 University of Toledo College of Law
 Toledo, OH 43606-3390
 Phone: (419) 530-2911, FAX (419) 530-4732
 E-mail: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 *



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-- 
Tom Carter
Communications Director
The Becket Fund for Religious Liberty
202-349-7205 (office)
202-538-2044 (cell)
www.becketfund.org
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re: Cert Grant in Summum

2008-04-03 Thread JMHACLJ
I understand Dan's point regarding Justice Breyer in the resolution of the  
Establishment Clause issue.  But in this case, counsel for Summum has not  
claimed a violation of the Est. Cl.  Instead, his arguments and the claims  of 
the 
complaint have been based on the alleged violation of the right to  freedom 
of speech.
 
Can the Establishment Clause question that is not included or presented  
derail this otherwise straightforward question of whether Pleasant Grove has  
created a forum for the display of privately donated monuments?  Well,  never 
tell 
the justices they cannot do what they decide to do.  But in  order to get to 
the Establishment Clause questions, they will have to go outside  of the 
Questions Presented on Certiorari, outside the scope of the decisions  below, 
and 
outside the claims made by the Plaintiff.
 
Jim Henderson
Senior Counsel
The American Center for Law and Justice, Inc.



**Planning your summer road trip? Check out AOL Travel Guides.
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RE: Cert Grant in Summum

2008-04-01 Thread Brownstein, Alan
Leaving aside the specifics of the Summum litigation, I think there are
some interesting issues raised by this case. When the government accepts
permanent structures from private groups to be placed on public
property, can these decisions ever be evaluated under forum analysis?
Would the government's decisions ever create a designated limited public
forum? If not, would it ever be proper to characterize these decisions
and the display of the structures as a nonpublic forum subject to the
prohibition against viewpoint discrimination. If the answer to these
questions is at least yes, in some circumstances, then we have to
figure out how we  distinguish those situations in which forum analysis
is appropriate from those in which it is not.

Certainly, the question of whether or not you can ever have a forum of
permanent displays is an open one for the lower federal courts. There
are several cases challenging content and viewpoint based restrictions
on the donation of tiles and bricks for the halls and walkways of public
schools. The tiles and bricks are clearly intended to be permanent, not
temporary. There is no clear consensus among the courts that have
adjudicated these cases as to the proper analysis to be applied.

The Summum case may be much easier to resolve because there were so few
displays accepted by the government for the area at issue - the alleged
forum. But that still leaves open the question of whether the
government's acceptance of a sufficiently large number of private
permanent displays can ever implicate free speech concerns.

Alan Brownstein

UC Davis School of Law

 

 

From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
[mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] On Behalf Of Christopher
Lund
Sent: Monday, March 31, 2008 1:40 PM
To: religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu
Subject: Cert Grant in Summum

 

The Supreme Court today granted cert in an unusual Ten Commandments
case, Summum v. Pleasant Grove City.  The case was brought by a
religious organization that wanted to put up its own religious monument
in a city park, given that there was already a Ten Commandments display
there.  The Tenth Circuit found for the plaintiffs, agreeing with them
that the park was a traditional public forum from which the plaintiffs
could only be excluded upon the showing of a compelling interest.  The
panel's decision seems pretty dubious - I imagine the Supreme Court will
reverse, with a logic along the lines of Judge McConnell's dissent from
denial of rehearing en banc.

 

Best,

Chris

 

Christopher C. Lund
Assistant Professor of Law
Mississippi College School of Law
151 E. Griffith St.
Jackson, MS  39201
(601) 925-7141 (office)
(601) 925-7113 (fax)

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RE: Cert Grant in Summum

2008-04-01 Thread Conkle, Daniel O.
Another twist on this issue is Justice Breyer's controlling opinion in Van 
Orden, which relied in part on the private donation of the Ten Commandments 
monument as support for his determination that the monument did not violate the 
Establishment Clause:  The tablets, as displayed on the monument, prominently 
acknowledge that the Eagles donated the display, a factor which, though not 
sufficient, thereby further distances the State itself from the religious 
aspect of the Commandments' message.  Van Orden v. Perry, 545 U.S. 677, 701-02 
(2005) (Breyer, J., concurring in the judgment).

It seems that for Breyer, the private donation--and the notation thereof on the 
monument itself--made the government less than fully responsible for the 
content of the display, even though, by every indication, the display had 
become largely the government's expression and responsibility.  So, not private 
speech, but not fully governmental speech either?  I.e., not sufficiently 
private to trigger 1st Am. forum analysis, but partially private nonetheless, 
i.e., private enough to help insulate the government from an Establishment 
Clause challenge?

Dan Conkle
***
Daniel O. Conkle
Robert H. McKinney Professor of Law
Indiana University School of Law
Bloomington, Indiana  47405
(812) 855-4331
fax (812) 855-0555
e-mail [EMAIL PROTECTED]
***


From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] On Behalf Of Brownstein, Alan
Sent: Tuesday, April 01, 2008 12:17 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Cert Grant in Summum

Leaving aside the specifics of the Summum litigation, I think there are some 
interesting issues raised by this case. When the government accepts permanent 
structures from private groups to be placed on public property, can these 
decisions ever be evaluated under forum analysis? Would the government's 
decisions ever create a designated limited public forum? If not, would it ever 
be proper to characterize these decisions and the display of the structures as 
a nonpublic forum subject to the prohibition against viewpoint discrimination. 
If the answer to these questions is at least yes, in some circumstances, then 
we have to figure out how we  distinguish those situations in which forum 
analysis is appropriate from those in which it is not.
Certainly, the question of whether or not you can ever have a forum of 
permanent displays is an open one for the lower federal courts. There are 
several cases challenging content and viewpoint based restrictions on the 
donation of tiles and bricks for the halls and walkways of public schools. The 
tiles and bricks are clearly intended to be permanent, not temporary. There is 
no clear consensus among the courts that have adjudicated these cases as to the 
proper analysis to be applied.
The Summum case may be much easier to resolve because there were so few 
displays accepted by the government for the area at issue - the alleged forum. 
But that still leaves open the question of whether the government's acceptance 
of a sufficiently large number of private permanent displays can ever implicate 
free speech concerns.
Alan Brownstein
UC Davis School of Law


From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] On Behalf Of Christopher Lund
Sent: Monday, March 31, 2008 1:40 PM
To: religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu
Subject: Cert Grant in Summum

The Supreme Court today granted cert in an unusual Ten Commandments case, 
Summum v. Pleasant Grove City.  The case was brought by a religious 
organization that wanted to put up its own religious monument in a city park, 
given that there was already a Ten Commandments display there.  The Tenth 
Circuit found for the plaintiffs, agreeing with them that the park was a 
traditional public forum from which the plaintiffs could only be excluded upon 
the showing of a compelling interest.  The panel's decision seems pretty 
dubious - I imagine the Supreme Court will reverse, with a logic along the 
lines of Judge McConnell's dissent from denial of rehearing en banc.

Best,
Chris

Christopher C. Lund
Assistant Professor of Law
Mississippi College School of Law
151 E. Griffith St.
Jackson, MS  39201
(601) 925-7141 (office)
(601) 925-7113 (fax)
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RE: Cert Grant in Summum

2008-03-31 Thread Brownstein, Alan
Do you have the cite for McConnell's dissent handy?

 

From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
[mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] On Behalf Of Christopher
Lund
Sent: Monday, March 31, 2008 1:40 PM
To: religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu
Subject: Cert Grant in Summum

 

The Supreme Court today granted cert in an unusual Ten Commandments
case, Summum v. Pleasant Grove City.  The case was brought by a
religious organization that wanted to put up its own religious monument
in a city park, given that there was already a Ten Commandments display
there.  The Tenth Circuit found for the plaintiffs, agreeing with them
that the park was a traditional public forum from which the plaintiffs
could only be excluded upon the showing of a compelling interest.  The
panel's decision seems pretty dubious - I imagine the Supreme Court will
reverse, with a logic along the lines of Judge McConnell's dissent from
denial of rehearing en banc.

 

Best,

Chris

 

Christopher C. Lund
Assistant Professor of Law
Mississippi College School of Law
151 E. Griffith St.
Jackson, MS  39201
(601) 925-7141 (office)
(601) 925-7113 (fax)

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Re: Cert Grant in Summum

2008-03-31 Thread Marc Stern
[EMAIL PROTECTED]

- Original Message -
From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] [EMAIL PROTECTED]
To: religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu
Sent: Mon Mar 31 16:39:52 2008
Subject: Cert Grant in Summum

The Supreme Court today granted cert in an unusual Ten Commandments case, 
Summum v. Pleasant Grove City.  The case was brought by a religious 
organization that wanted to put up its own religious monument in a city park, 
given that there was already a Ten Commandments display there.  The Tenth 
Circuit found for the plaintiffs, agreeing with them that the park was a 
traditional public forum from which the plaintiffs could only be excluded upon 
the showing of a compelling interest.  The panel's decision seems pretty 
dubious - I imagine the Supreme Court will reverse, with a logic along the 
lines of Judge McConnell's dissent from denial of rehearing en banc.
 
Best,
Chris
 
Christopher C. Lund
Assistant Professor of Law
Mississippi College School of Law
151 E. Griffith St.
Jackson, MS  39201
(601) 925-7141 (office)
(601) 925-7113 (fax)
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RE: Cert Grant in Summum

2008-03-31 Thread marty . lederman
Opinion and all the cert.-stage papers available here:

http://www.scotusblog.com/wp/todays-orders-25/#more-6913


 -- Original message --
From: Brownstein, Alan [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 Do you have the cite for McConnell's dissent handy?
 
  
 
 From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] On Behalf Of Christopher
 Lund
 Sent: Monday, March 31, 2008 1:40 PM
 To: religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu
 Subject: Cert Grant in Summum
 
  
 
 The Supreme Court today granted cert in an unusual Ten Commandments
 case, Summum v. Pleasant Grove City.  The case was brought by a
 religious organization that wanted to put up its own religious monument
 in a city park, given that there was already a Ten Commandments display
 there.  The Tenth Circuit found for the plaintiffs, agreeing with them
 that the park was a traditional public forum from which the plaintiffs
 could only be excluded upon the showing of a compelling interest.  The
 panel's decision seems pretty dubious - I imagine the Supreme Court will
 reverse, with a logic along the lines of Judge McConnell's dissent from
 denial of rehearing en banc.
 
  
 
 Best,
 
 Chris
 
  
 
 Christopher C. Lund
 Assistant Professor of Law
 Mississippi College School of Law
 151 E. Griffith St.
 Jackson, MS  39201
 (601) 925-7141 (office)
 (601) 925-7113 (fax)
 
 


---BeginMessage---
Do you have the cite for McConnell's dissent handy?

 

From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
[mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] On Behalf Of Christopher
Lund
Sent: Monday, March 31, 2008 1:40 PM
To: religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu
Subject: Cert Grant in Summum

 

The Supreme Court today granted cert in an unusual Ten Commandments
case, Summum v. Pleasant Grove City.  The case was brought by a
religious organization that wanted to put up its own religious monument
in a city park, given that there was already a Ten Commandments display
there.  The Tenth Circuit found for the plaintiffs, agreeing with them
that the park was a traditional public forum from which the plaintiffs
could only be excluded upon the showing of a compelling interest.  The
panel's decision seems pretty dubious - I imagine the Supreme Court will
reverse, with a logic along the lines of Judge McConnell's dissent from
denial of rehearing en banc.

 

Best,

Chris

 

Christopher C. Lund
Assistant Professor of Law
Mississippi College School of Law
151 E. Griffith St.
Jackson, MS  39201
(601) 925-7141 (office)
(601) 925-7113 (fax)

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RE: Cert Grant in Summum

2008-03-31 Thread Christopher Lund
The dissents (there are a couple) are all at 499 F.3d 1070...
 
Christopher C. Lund
Assistant Professor of Law
Mississippi College School of Law
151 E. Griffith St.
Jackson, MS  39201
(601) 925-7141 (office)
(601) 925-7113 (fax)

 [EMAIL PROTECTED] 3/31/2008 3:58 PM 

Do you have the cite for McConnell’s dissent handy? From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] 
[mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] On Behalf Of Christopher Lund
Sent: Monday, March 31, 2008 1:40 PM
To: religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu 
Subject: Cert Grant in Summum

 The Supreme Court today granted cert in an unusual Ten Commandments case, 
Summum v. Pleasant Grove City.  The case was brought by a religious 
organization that wanted to put up its own religious monument in a city park, 
given that there was already a Ten Commandments display there.  The Tenth 
Circuit found for the plaintiffs, agreeing with them that the park was a 
traditional public forum from which the plaintiffs could only be excluded upon 
the showing of a compelling interest.  The panel's decision seems pretty 
dubious - I imagine the Supreme Court will reverse, with a logic along the 
lines of Judge McConnell's dissent from denial of rehearing en banc.
 
Best,
Chris
 
Christopher C. Lund
Assistant Professor of Law
Mississippi College School of Law
151 E. Griffith St.
Jackson, MS  39201
(601) 925-7141 (office)
(601) 925-7113 (fax)


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Re: The Summum faith wins twice today in the Tenth Circuit

2007-04-20 Thread Will Linden
Questions for consideration: Would any of the rulings have been different 
if it had been a Buddhist organization wanting to create a monument to the 
Four Noble Truths?



At 02:37 PM 4/19/07 +0300, you wrote:

So the next step is a monument of an erect phallus next to the image of 
the two tablets of the ten commandments?  Then what about equal rights for 
the women?



PLEASE, no cracks about erecting statues!

  But the we would have to include all of them argument recalls my 
previous post, which failed to draw any comments, about the Impaler and his 
plank to

erect the Wall of Religious
Beliefs in the Capital. This wall will have everything
from the Wiccan Rede to the 10 Commandments.

So, aside from the logistical problems of including all of them, is this 
project considered sufficiently nondiscriminatory? Or would it be assailed 
as an establishment of religion, as opposed to irreligion? Or does the 
aim of extolling religious freedom constitute an overriding secular purpose?



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Re: The Summum faith wins twice today in the Tenth Circuit

2007-04-19 Thread Steven Jamar
well, this was probably meant to be humorous, but one of the most common and important symbols in Hinduism is the lingam-yoni (phallus/vagina).http://jblstatue.com/pages/yoni_lingam.htmlOn Apr 19, 2007, at 7:37 AM, Susan Freiman wrote: So the next step is a monument of an erect phallus next to the image of the two tablets of the ten commandments?  Then what about equal rights for the women?  I see an item for The Onion here.  Susan  Ed Brayton wrote:   I wrote about this today after seeing it on Howard Friedman's blog. What jumps out at me is the lengths the two cities, particularly Duchesne City, went to in order to preserve exclusive access for their own preferred religion to have such monuments. I hope we can all at least agree that if you're going to allow such monuments to go up on public property, allowing only one religion to place such monuments on public property and no other religion is a clear establishment clause violation.     Ed Brayton     -Original Message-  From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]] On Behalf Of Joel Sogol  Sent: Wednesday, April 18, 2007 6:50 PM  To: Religionlaw  Subject: The Summum faith wins twice today in the Tenth Circuit  Received from another listserv: The Summum faith wins twice today in the Tenth Circuit: Summum -- a religion that supports both mummification and masturbation -- had the brilliant idea to approach towns in Utah that displayed Ten Commandments monuments to ask for "equal time" to display monuments to the Seven Aphorisms of Summum. Pleasant Grove, Utah simply said "no" in response to the request, and today a unanimous three-judge panel of the  U.S. Court of Appeals for the Tenth Circuit directs the entry of a preliminary injunction requiring the municipality to allow the display of the Summum monument. You can access the ruling at this link. Duchesne City, Utah was equally unenthusiastic about the prospect of a Summum monument, but instead of merely saying "no" the municipality thought it would be beneficial to transfer its Ten Commandments monument and the patch of public parkland on which it resides to private ownership. Duchesne's actions make this case a bit more complicated, but the Tenth Circuit today holds that Duchesne is not necessarily absolved of liability on Summum's claim for injunctive relief. You can access the ruling at this link. In press coverage of today's rulings, The Salt Lake Tribune provides a news update headlined "'Seven Aphorisms' equal to 10 Commandments, appeals court rules." And two Saturdays ago, The Deseret Morning News published articles headlined "Thou shalt not ... underestimate impact of the Ten Commandments" and "Displays a source of friction." Posted at 10:50 PM by  Howard Bashman   Joel L. SogolAttorney at Law811 21st AvenueTuscaloosa, Alabama  35401ph: (205) 345-0966fx:  (205) 345-0971email:  [EMAIL PROTECTED]  Ben Franklin observed that truth wins a fair fight -- which is why we have evidence rules in U.S. courts. ___
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   ___To post, send message to Religionlaw@lists.ucla.eduTo subscribe, unsubscribe, change options, or get password, see http://lists.ucla.edu/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/religionlawPlease note that messages sent to this large list cannot be viewed as private.  Anyone can subscribe to the list and read messages that are posted; people can read the Web archives; and list members can (rightly or wrongly) forward the messages to others.  Become the change you seek in the world.-- Mahatma Gandhi.Steven Jamar[EMAIL PROTECTED] ___
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Re: The Summum faith wins twice today in the Tenth Circuit

2007-04-19 Thread Susan Freiman




God bless the wisdom of the East.

Susan

Steven Jamar wrote:
well, this was probably meant to be humorous, but one of
the most common and important symbols in Hinduism is the lingam-yoni
(phallus/vagina).
  http://jblstatue.com/pages/yoni_lingam.html
  
  
  
  
  On Apr 19, 2007, at 7:37 AM, Susan Freiman wrote:
  
   So the next step is a monument of an erect
phallus next to the image of the two tablets of the ten commandments?
Then what about equal rights for the women?

I see an item for The Onion here.

Susan

Ed Brayton wrote:

  I wrote
about this today after seeing it on Howard Friedman's blog. What jumps
out at me is the lengths the two cities, particularly Duchesne City,
went to in order to preserve exclusive access for their own preferred
religion to have such monuments. I hope we can all at least agree that
if you're going to allow such monuments to go up on public property,
allowing only one religion to place such monuments on public property
and no other religion is a clear establishment clause violation.
  
  Ed
Brayton
  
  -Original Message-
  From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
[mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]]
  On Behalf Of Joel Sogol
  Sent: Wednesday, April 18, 2007 6:50 PM
  To: Religionlaw
  Subject: The Summum faith wins twice today in the Tenth
Circuit
  
  
  
  Received
from another listserv:
  
  The Summum faith wins
twice today in the Tenth Circuit: Summum -- a religion
that supports both mummification and masturbation
-- had the brilliant idea to approach towns in Utah that displayed Ten
Commandments monuments to ask for "equal time" to display monuments to
the Seven
Aphorisms of Summum. 
  Pleasant Grove, Utah simply said "no" in
response to the request, and today a unanimous three-judge panel of the
  U.S. Court of Appeals for the
Tenth Circuit directs the entry of a preliminary injunction
requiring the municipality to allow the display of the Summum monument.
You can access the ruling at this
link. 
  Duchesne City, Utah was equally
unenthusiastic about the prospect of a Summum monument, but instead of
merely saying "no" the municipality thought it would be beneficial to
transfer its Ten Commandments monument and the patch of public parkland
on which it resides to private ownership. Duchesne's actions make this
case a bit more complicated, but the Tenth Circuit today holds that
Duchesne is not necessarily absolved of liability on Summum's claim for
injunctive relief. You can access the ruling at this
link. 
  In press coverage of
today's rulings, The Salt Lake Tribune provides a news update headlined
"'Seven Aphorisms' equal to 10
Commandments, appeals court rules." 
  And two Saturdays ago,
The Deseret Morning News published articles headlined "Thou
shalt not ... underestimate impact of the Ten Commandments" and "Displays
a source of friction."
Posted at 10:50 PM by
  Howard Bashman 
  
  
  
  
  Joel L. Sogol
  Attorney at Law
  811 21st Avenue
  Tuscaloosa, Alabama 35401
  ph: (205) 345-0966
  fx: (205) 345-0971
  email: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
  
  
  
  
  Ben Franklin observed
that truth wins a fair fight -- which is why we have evidence rules in
U.S. courts.
  
  
  
  ___
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list and read messages that are posted; people can read the Web
archives; and list members can (rightly or wrongly) forward the
messages to others.
  
  
  
   
  Become the change you seek in the world.
  --
Mahatma Gandhi.
  
  
  Steven Jamar
  [EMAIL PROTECTED]
  
  
  
   
  
  
  
  

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The Summum faith wins twice today in the Tenth Circuit

2007-04-18 Thread Joel Sogol
Received from another listserv:

 

The Summum faith wins twice today in the Tenth Circuit: Summum -- a religion
that supports both mummification http://www.summum.us/mummification/  and
masturbation http://www.sexualecstasy.org/divinemasturbation.php  -- had
the brilliant idea to approach towns in Utah that displayed Ten Commandments
monuments to ask for equal time to display monuments to the Seven
http://www.summum.us/philosophy/principles.shtml  Aphorisms of Summum. 

Pleasant Grove, Utah simply said no in response to the request, and today
a unanimous three-judge panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the
http://www.ca10.uscourts.gov/  Tenth Circuit directs the entry of a
preliminary injunction requiring the municipality to allow the display of
the Summum monument. You can access the ruling at this
http://www.ca10.uscourts.gov/opinions/06/06-4057.pdf  link. 

Duchesne City, Utah was equally unenthusiastic about the prospect of a
Summum monument, but instead of merely saying no the municipality thought
it would be beneficial to transfer its Ten Commandments monument and the
patch of public parkland on which it resides to private ownership.
Duchesne's actions make this case a bit more complicated, but the Tenth
Circuit today holds that Duchesne is not necessarily absolved of liability
on Summum's claim for injunctive relief. You can access the ruling at this
http://www.ca10.uscourts.gov/opinions/05/05-4162.pdf  link. 

In press coverage of today's rulings, The Salt Lake Tribune provides a news
update headlined 'Seven Aphorisms' equal to 10
http://www.sltrib.com/ci_5688321  Commandments, appeals court rules. 

And two Saturdays ago, The Deseret Morning News published articles headlined
Thou http://deseretnews.com/dn/view/0,1249,660209584,00.html  shalt not
... underestimate impact of the Ten Commandments and Displays
http://deseretnews.com/dn/view/0,1249,660209598,00.html  a source of
friction.
Posted at 10:50 PM  http://howappealing.law.com/041707.html#024368 by
Howard Bashman mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]  

 

 

Joel L. Sogol

Attorney at Law

811 21st Avenue

Tuscaloosa, Alabama  35401

ph: (205) 345-0966

fx:  (205) 345-0971

email:  [EMAIL PROTECTED]

 

 

Ben Franklin observed that truth wins a fair fight -- which is why we have
evidence rules in U.S. courts.

 

___
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Anyone can subscribe to the list and read messages that are posted; people can 
read the Web archives; and list members can (rightly or wrongly) forward the 
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RE: The Summum faith wins twice today in the Tenth Circuit

2007-04-18 Thread Ed Brayton
I wrote about this today after seeing it on Howard Friedman's blog. What
jumps out at me is the lengths the two cities, particularly Duchesne
City, went to in order to preserve exclusive access for their own
preferred religion to have such monuments. I hope we can all at least
agree that if you're going to allow such monuments to go up on public
property, allowing only one religion to place such monuments on public
property and no other religion is a clear establishment clause
violation.
 
Ed Brayton
 
-Original Message-
From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
[mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] On Behalf Of Joel Sogol
Sent: Wednesday, April 18, 2007 6:50 PM
To: Religionlaw
Subject: The Summum faith wins twice today in the Tenth Circuit



Received from another listserv:

 

The Summum faith wins twice today in the Tenth Circuit: Summum -- a
religion that supports both mummification
http://www.summum.us/mummification/  and masturbation
http://www.sexualecstasy.org/divinemasturbation.php  -- had the
brilliant idea to approach towns in Utah that displayed Ten Commandments
monuments to ask for equal time to display monuments to the Seven
Aphorisms of  http://www.summum.us/philosophy/principles.shtml Summum.


Pleasant Grove, Utah simply said no in response to the request, and
today a unanimous three-judge panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the
Tenth  http://www.ca10.uscourts.gov/ Circuit directs the entry of a
preliminary injunction requiring the municipality to allow the display
of the Summum monument. You can access the ruling at this link
http://www.ca10.uscourts.gov/opinions/06/06-4057.pdf . 

Duchesne City, Utah was equally unenthusiastic about the prospect of a
Summum monument, but instead of merely saying no the municipality
thought it would be beneficial to transfer its Ten Commandments monument
and the patch of public parkland on which it resides to private
ownership. Duchesne's actions make this case a bit more complicated, but
the Tenth Circuit today holds that Duchesne is not necessarily absolved
of liability on Summum's claim for injunctive relief. You can access the
ruling at this link
http://www.ca10.uscourts.gov/opinions/05/05-4162.pdf . 

In press coverage of today's rulings, The Salt Lake Tribune provides a
news update headlined 'Seven Aphorisms' equal to 10
http://www.sltrib.com/ci_5688321 Commandments, appeals court rules. 

And two Saturdays ago, The Deseret Morning News published articles
headlined Thou shalt not
http://deseretnews.com/dn/view/0,1249,660209584,00.html ...
underestimate impact of the Ten Commandments and Displays a source
http://deseretnews.com/dn/view/0,1249,660209598,00.html of friction.
Posted at 10:50 PM  http://howappealing.law.com/041707.html#024368 by
Howard Bashman mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]  

 

 

Joel L. Sogol

Attorney at Law

811 21st Avenue

Tuscaloosa, Alabama  35401

ph: (205) 345-0966

fx:  (205) 345-0971

email:  [EMAIL PROTECTED]

 

 

Ben Franklin observed that truth wins a fair fight -- which is why we
have evidence rules in U.S. courts.

 

___
To post, send message to Religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu
To subscribe, unsubscribe, change options, or get password, see 
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Anyone can subscribe to the list and read messages that are posted; people can 
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