Hemon arrived in the US just in time to avoid the bangbang in 1992. He claims 
he had only "tourists' English". Rubbish. I've listened to him in person (fly 
on the wall).

 He wrote that he saw the May 1992 Bread Q massacre -- on US TV.

He speaks of "my language, Bosnian". His easy access to the media and his 
receipt of a MacArthur "Genius Award" of hundr4eds of thousands of dollars 
should raise suspicions.

He wrote in the New Yorker Magazine that Nikola Koljevic shot himself in the 
head 
-- twice.
jpm

 

Why general public in Canada and USA is grossly misinformed about the Serbs etc.

On August 6, 2008 full page  defamatory, slanderous article appeared in  the 
newspaper The National Post entitled “Dark Fantasy” by Aleksandar Hemon about 
Radovan Karadzic. Among many blatantly false and obviously slanderous 
accusations that Harmon throws at Karadzic is that Karadzic  planned to 
exterminate all the Muslims of Bosnia and that inspiration for this genocidal 
plan was gained from Petar Njegos’s epic poem “The Mountain Wreath”. On August 
8, 2008 a short letter by James Bissett criticizing Hemon’s article appeared in 
The National Post. What is noteworthy about this episode is that it practically 
describes and summarizes deceitful methods of our news media when reporting 
about the Serbs during the Yugoslav wars of the 1990s and which are still used 
today to defame and to demonize only one side in these Yugoslav conflicts, 
namely: the Serbs. For anyone who wants to avail himself/herself of the truth 
of my assertion above about western newsmedia’s biased and deceitful reporting 
in regards to the Serbs,  I highly recommend Peter Brock’s book, Media 
Cleansing: Dirty Reporting, Journalism and Tragedy in Yugoslavia and book 
Travesty: The Trial of Slobodan Milosevic and the Corruption of International 
Justice by John Laughland. Objective and truthful information about these 
Yugoslav conflicts indeed exists but it is virtually as hard to find as a 
needle in a haystack, as it is overwhelmed and buried in an avalanche of false, 
defamatory and demonizing anti-Serb articles and reports. How can any honest 
person who is interested in knowing the truth, who depends largely on this same 
 biased mainstream newsmedia  claim to be  fully informed and knowledgeable 
about  the Serbs, Radovan Karadzic,  or any other aspect  about the Yugoslav 
wars of the 1990s?  Most people in our general population probably didn’t even 
know where Bosnia was located on the globe in the first place and had virtually 
no objective historical or current information about this region of the world 
in order to be able to recognize outright falsehood when it was constantly 
being pitched at them by majority of our shoddy, corrupt and biased anti-Serb 
western journalists. Most members of our general public are still unaware and 
blissfully ignorant that they were sold a “bill of goods” about the Serbs  and 
still hold negative and biased opinions about the Serbs as a result. 

* * * *

The Serbs Were Also Victims 

National Post 
Published: Friday, August 08, 2008 

Re: Dark Fantasy, Aleksandar Hemon, August 6. 

It is curious that the Post would print an article by the former Bosnian 
fiction writer Aleksander Hemon, suggesting that Radovan Karadzic was inspired 
to genocide by the epic Montenegro poet Vladika Danilo's poem The Mountain 
Wreath on the same day that Bosnian Serbs discovered a mass grave containing 
the bodies of Serbs killed by joint Muslim and Croat forces during the civil 
war. 

The Western media has never wanted to accept that Serbs were also victims, 
since the war has been interpreted as a morality play of „good vs. evil,” 
rather than what it really was -- a vicious civil war with religious overtones. 
However, the Research and Documentation Centre in Sarajevo has found that 
roughly 100,000 people were killed during the fighting in Bosnia -- 60,000 
Muslims, 31,000 Serbs and 12,000 Croats. The numbers represent approximately 
the percentage of the three religious groupings among the greater population. 
The total casualties after four years of war are terrible in themselves but 
hardly can be described as a genocide, especially one inspired by a poem 
written in 1847. 

James Bissett, Ottawa. 

* * * *

Danas je u Torontskom National Postu objavljen clanak Aleksandra Hemona 
(toboznjeg Srbina po majci i pisca, poreklom iz Sarajeva koji živi u Cikagu) o 
tome kako su ratna zlodela Radovana Karadjica ispirisana tradicijom u srpskoj 
literaturi i umetnosti. Clanak je dobio prostor čitave jedne stranice sa slikom 
Petra Petrovica Njegosa (u boji)u sredini. Isti clanak je prethodno objavljen u 
New York Times-u. Pisac Aleksandar veoma prefinjenim jezikom (engleskim , 
naravno) objašnjava kanadskom citaocu kako je ekstremni nacionalizam ugraviran 
u dusu jednog tipicnog Srbina. Istorijski, već je Vladika Danilo imao fiks 
ideju o potrebi istrebljivanja Muslimana, pa tako prosecni Srbin , nazalost 
arhetipski nasledjuje ovu predrasudu. Samo je mali broj prosvecenih, kao sto je 
gospodin Homen recimo, izbegao ovu zamku i zadrzao je objektivnost u 
procenjivanju ko je dobar i ko je los. Pa i sire. 
Odavno ne pišem u novine. Odavno sam shvatio da su ovdasnje novine sredstvo. 
Sredstvo da se stekne prednost u sticanju imovine, sredstvo da se plasiraju 
laži i poluistine da bi se dobilo ono što se hoće. 
Danas sam osetio bes i zelju da ipak napisem, da se pobunim, da objasnim da je 
Radovan Karadjic možda kriv za nešto ali da se krivice moraju posmatrati u 
kontekstu gradjanskog rata, da je Haski tuzilac placen za pristrasnost i da su 
Srbi u dusi, iako ne prefinjeni, onda veoma, veoma tolerantni ljudi. Da to 
mogu, iz licnog iskustva da potvrdim jer sam, kao stranac, niz godina u Srbiji 
živeo. 
Onda sam se otreznio. Moje pismo, naravno ne bi bilo objavljeno. 
Imam nekoliko drugova u Srbiji koji misle isto kao Aleksandar Hemon. 
Veoma ih postujem i cenim. Oni ništa, sem prepirke sa drustvom za svoje 
mišljenje ne dobijaju. Ne sticu privilegiju da budu publikovani, objavljivani i 
da o njima piše The New Yorker. 
Prema profinjenosti jezika da se zakljuciti da je gospodin Aleksandar pametan 
covek. Zato moja poruka glasi : 
Sram vas bio, Aleksandre !

P.S : Aleksandar Hemon predstavljen je u casopisu „ Mi Magazin” koji je u 
Torontu distribuisan kao casopis Srpske diaspore kao jedan od raseljenih Srba 
koji su svojim talentom i zalaganjem uspeli da postanu cenjeni i objavljivani 
pisci u Americi.

http://www.bhraja.ca/index.php?option=com_content 
<http://www.bhraja.ca/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=2350> 
&task=view&id=2350

Aleksandar Hemon : Genocide’s Epic Hero 

Ponedjeljak, 28 Juli 2008 



ON Oct. 14, 1991, Radovan Karadzic spoke at a session of the 
Bosnian-Herzegovinian Parliament, which had been debating a referendum on 
independence from the rump Yugoslavia. Mr. Karadzic was there to warn the 
Parliament members against following the Slovenes and Croats, who had broken 
away earlier that year, down “the highway of hell and suffering.” 

Autor: Aleksandar Hemon za The New York Times. 

He thundered, “Do not think you will not lead Bosnia and Herzegovina into hell 
and the Muslim people into possible annihilation, as the Muslim people cannot 
defend themselves in case of war here.” Throughout his tirade, he clutched the 
lectern edges, as though about to hurl it at his audience, but then let go of 
it to stab the air with his forefinger at the word “annihilation.” The Bosnian 
president, Alija Izetbegovic, a Muslim, was visibly distressed. 

It was a spectacular, if blood-curdling, performance. Mr. Karadzic, who was 
arrested last week after 13 years in hiding, was then president of the 
hard-line nationalist Serbian Democratic Party, which already controlled the 
parts of Bosnia that had a Serbian majority, but he was not a member of the 
Parliament, nor did he hold any elective office. His very presence rendered the 
Parliament weak and unimportant; backed by the Serb-dominated Yugoslav People’s 
Army, he spoke from the position of unimpeachable power over the life and death 
of the people the Parliament represented. 

Watching the news broadcast covering the session, neither my parents nor I 
could initially comprehend what he meant by “annihilation.” For a moment or two 
we groped for a milder, less terrifying interpretation — perhaps he meant 
“historical irrelevance”? For what he was saying was well outside the scope of 
our middling imagination, well beyond the habits of normalcy we desperately 
clung to as war loomed over our irrelevant lives. 

Then I understood that he was wagging the stick of genocide at the Bosnian 
Muslims, while the unappetizing carrot was their bare survival. “Don’t make me 
do it,” he was essentially saying. “I will be at home in the hell I create for 
you.” 

The Parliament eventually decided a referendum was the way to go. It took place 
in February 1992; the Serbs boycotted it while the majority of Bosnians voted 
for independence. In March, there were barricades on the streets of Sarajevo 
and shooting in the mountains surrounding it. In April, Mr. Karadzic’s snipers 
aimed at a peaceful antiwar demonstration in front of the Parliament building, 
and two women were killed. On May 2, Sarajevo was cut off from the world and 
the longest siege in modern history began. By the end of the summer, nearly 
every front page in the world had published a picture from a Serbian death 
camp. And so it would go for far too long. 

There is little doubt, of course, that Mr. Karadzic would have happily sped 
down the hell-and-suffering highway regardless of the outcome of the 
parliamentary session. The annihilation machine was already revving, everything 
had already been put in place for genocide, whose purpose was not only the 
destruction and displacement of Bosnian Muslims but also the irreversible 
unification of the Serbs and their ethnically pure lands into a Greater Serbia. 
I wondered later why he staged that performance before the Parliament, since 
peace and coexistence were never a possibility for him. Why did he bother? 

The point of that performance, I eventually concluded, was the performance 
itself. Unbeknownst to most of us interested in peaceful coexistence, the war 
in Bosnia had already started and Mr. Karadzic was already cast in the role he 
would perform throughout the war, up until his 1996 ouster from the Serbian 
political leadership and his subsequent new life on the run. His performance 
was far less for the beleaguered Bosnian Parliament than for the patriotic 
Serbs watching the broadcast, ready to embark upon an epic project that would 
require sacrifice, murder and ethnic cleansing. 

Mr. Karadzic was showing to his people that he was a tough and determined 
leader, yet neither unwise nor unreasonable. He was indicating that war would 
not be a rash decision on his part, while he was capable of recognizing the 
inevitable necessity of genocide. If there was a job to be done, he was going 
to do it unflinchingly and ruthlessly. He was the leader who was going to lead 
them through the hell of murder to the land where honor and salvation awaited. 

The model for Mr. Karadzic’s role as leader was provided by Petar Petrovic 
Njegos’s epic poem “The Mountain Wreath” (“Gorski vijenac”). Published in 1847, 
it is deeply embedded in the tradition of Serbian epic poetry and is a 
foundational text of Serbian cultural nationalism. Set at the end of the 17th 
century, its central character is Vladika Danilo, the bishop and the sovereign 
of Montenegro, the only Serbian territory unconquered at the time by the 
powerful and all-encroaching Ottoman Empire. Vladika Danilo has a problem: some 
Montenegrin Serbs have converted to Islam. For him, they are the fifth column 
of the Turks, a people who could never be trusted, a permanent threat to the 
freedom and sovereignty of the Serbs. 

He summons a council to help him determine the solution. He listens to the 
advice of his bloodthirsty warriors: “Without suffering no song is sung,” one 
of them says. “Without suffering no saber is forged.” He listens to a 
delegation of Muslims pleading for peace and coexistence, who are instead 
offered the chance to save their heads by converting back to “the faith of 
their forefathers.” He speaks of freedom and the difficult decisions it 
requires: “The wolf is entitled to a sheep/Much like a tyrant to a feeble 
man./But to stomp the neck of tyranny/To lead it to the righteous knowledge/ 
That is man’s most sacred duty.” 

In the lines familiar to nearly every Serbian child and adult, Vladika Danilo 
recognizes that the total, ruthless extermination of the Muslims is the only 
way: “Let there be endless struggle,” he says. “Let there be what cannot be.” 
He will lead his people through the hell of murder and onward to honor and 
salvation: “On the grave flowers will grow/ For a distant future generation.” 

Mr. Karadzic was intimately familiar with Serbian epic poetry. A skillful 
player of the gusle, a single-string fiddle traditionally accompanying the oral 
performance of epic poems, he clearly understood his role in the light cast by 
Vladika Danilo. He recognized himself in the martyrdom of leadership; he 
believed that he was the one to finish the job that Vladika Danilo started; he 
saw himself as the hero in an epic poem that would be sung by a distant future 
generation. 

Indeed, while in hiding in Belgrade in recent years, Mr. Karadzic frequented a 
bar where there were weekly gusle-accompanied performances of Serbian epic 
poetry, where wartime pictures of him and Gen. Ratko Mladic, the Bosnian Serbs’ 
military leader, proudly hung on the wall. A Belgrade newspaper claimed that on 
at least one occasion Mr. Karadzic, undercover as a New Age charlatan, recited 
an epic poem in which he himself featured as the main hero, performing epic 
feats of extermination. 

The tragic, heartbreaking irony of it all is that Mr. Karadzic played out his 
historical role in less than 10 years. In the flash of his infernal pan 
hundreds of thousands died, millions were displaced, untold numbers paid in 
unspeakable pain for his induction into the pantheon of Serbian epic poetry. 

Before he became the leader of Bosnian Serbs and after he was forced out by his 
supporter and fellow nationalist, President Slobodan Milosevic of Serbia, in 
the wake of the Dayton peace accord, Mr. Karadzic was a prosaic nobody. A 
mediocre psychiatrist, a minor poet and a petty embezzler before the war, at 
the time of his arrest he was a grotesque mountebank. It was only during the 
war, on a blood-soaked stage, that he could fully develop his inhuman 
potential. His true and only home was the hell he created for others. 

Which is why, after the initial exhilaration, many Bosnians find Mr. Karadzic’s 
arrest less satisfying than one would expect. Though he might spend the rest of 
his life in the comfortable dungeons of the Western European prison system, he 
will live eternally in the verses of decasyllabic meter written by those for 
whom the demolition of Bosnia was but material for the grand epic poetry of 
Serbhood. 

Bosnians know he should have been booed and run off the stage at the peak of 
his performance. He should have been seen for what he really was: a thuggish 
puppet whose head was bloated with delusions of grandeur. He should have let us 
live outside his epic fantasies. Justice is good, but a peaceful life would 
have been much better. 



 



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