Crisis in Eastern DRC: ethnic massacres take back seat to speculation
on Rwandan role – By Jessica Hatcher



June 7, 2012





0tweetsretweet

Share


Bosco Ntaganda may be in the headlines, but a number of smaller armed
groups are causing the worst violence on the ground in Eastern DRC.

The 2012 crisis in the east of the Democratic Republic of the Congo
became headline news in April as Bosco Ntaganda, an International
Criminal Court indictee, staged a mutiny from the Congolese national
army (FARDC). Between March and April, Bosco went from being one of
the most powerful generals in eastern Congo to a man on the run.

On 4 June, Human Rights Watch reported that the Rwandan military has
given support to Bosco’s mutiny in the form of ammunition, arms and
recruits.

While the repercussions of Rwanda’s support have become a focal point
for analysis of the latest conflict, little-understood armed groups
are carrying out massacres along ethnic lines under the radar of the
international media. As Bosco’s mutineers fought the FARDC, more than
200 civilians were killed in attacks near the rebel’s former
stronghold in Masisi territory, according to preliminary
investigations by the UN’s mission in Congo

Devastating human displacement has become a norm in the violent,
volcanic landscape of the mineral-rich east. The effects of the 1994
Rwandan genocide erupted into Congo when the Hutu population fled
Rwanda, triggering a series of ethno-political power struggles, which
find no resolution today. The number of deaths as a result of war
since 1998 is an estimated 6 million.

Three years of relative calm followed the 2008 rebellion in Congo,
which ended with what is known locally as, The Putsch. Bosco, then
second-in-command of the rebel group CNDP, double-crossed his boss,
Laurent Nkunda, to negotiate a peace-deal with the FARDC, leaving
Bosco in command of North Kivu and Nkunda in hiding.

President Kabila refused to arrest Bosco in 2006, claiming he was a
lynchpin of the peace (despite inviting the ICC to investigate war
crimes in 2004). But at the start of April this year, Bosco mutinied
following international pressure to secure his arrest.

In mid-April, Bosco and some 600 former-CNDP mutineers who had
followed him went on a furious recruitment drive. Amongst the
recruits, Human Rights Watch has evidence of 149 boys aged 12 to 20
inducted into the group.

A few weeks later, what seems to be a-mutiny-within-a-mutiny took
place. In early May, Colonel Makenga, an ethnic Tutsi who fought
alongside Bosco, his predecessor Nkunda, and Paul Kagame in the
Rwandan Defence Force, was announced as the leader of M23 – a rebel
group named after the March 23rd peace accords agreed by Ntaganda to
integrate CNDP fighters into the FARDC.

On Tuesday 1st May, one month after leaving the FARDC, Bosco gave a
telephone interview. “I am not involved in the clashes pitting the
FARDC against the soldiers who defected”, he said. More recently, in a
telephone interview with the BBC he said,  ”What soldiers? I have no
soldiers, I’m in my farm in Masisi.”

Bosco’s wife is said to be in Ituri district, while his farm in
Masisi, currently under FARDC control, was raided in May, revealing a
25 tonne weapons cache. Rumours as to Bosco’s whereabouts have him
under house-arrest in Rwanda, hiding in the Virunga national park, and
in Ituri, where he committed his alleged war crimes. Human Rights
Watch interviewed witnesses last month who said he is working with the
rebels at their Runyoni base.

Aside from the question of Bosco’s whereabouts, debate in Congo has
largely been speculation on whether Rwanda is arming the M23 rebels.
“What would Rwanda gain in creating instability around its own
borders?” asked Rwanda’s Foreign Minister, Louise Mushikiwabo, in an
interview with the BBC.

Experts, such as journalist Michael Deibert, have spoken of the
Rwandanisation of eastern Congo and say instability in this region is
in Rwanda’s economic interests. Control of the lucrative cross-border
trade in minerals (a crucial source of income for armed rebel groups)
relies on disorder and a lack of centralised state control.

The M23 rebellion was the first pillar in the region’s structural
collapse. ”The situation is the worst it’s been for several years.
Progress made is being lost as previously stable areas are becoming
increasingly insecure”, said Samuel Dixon, Policy Advisor for Oxfam,
in Goma.

When FARDC battalions left their positions, either to join the rebels
or to fight them, many local power vacuums were created. In Pinga, the
rebel group APCLS simply moved in, no ousting needed, and set about
establishing civic structures. Bloody or not, these takeovers have
longer-term repercussions, as the FARDC will, at some point, attempt
to regain control, affecting yet more civilians.

West of Goma around Ufumandu, Raia Mutomboki, a Maï-Maï rebel group
from South Kivu, has formed alliances with another group, Maï-Maï
Kifuafua, and extended its reach into North Kivu. The Chef de Secteur
in the village of Katoyi has a list of 111 people killed since 17 May
in his area, attacks he attributes primarily to the Raia Mutomboki and
Mai Mai Kifuafua alliance.

The Raia Mutomboki militia was initially formed  to defend communities
in South Kivu against attacks from the FDLR, the pro-Hutu militia
formed from the perpetrators of the Rwandan genocide.  They have since
moved from targeting the families of Hutu FDLR fighters to directing
attacks against Rwandaphone communities in the East, irrespective of
nationality . A 26-year old man said the rebels shouted, “we will kill
everyone who speaks Kinyarwanda” as they attacked residents of his
village, Marembo, using machetes, spears and machine guns. The upsurge
of Raia Mukomboti attacks in North Kivu has given rise to the
question, “who is arming them?”

The FDLR has responded to these attacks by killing Maï-Maï family
members. Last month the national UN-created Radio Okapi reported the
FDLR burning four children alive and witnesses report attacks on more
than 21 villages in the area in the month of May.

Some say burning alive is a recent phenomenon, but much of this is
nothing new – a Human Rights Watch report describes the situation in
Ufumandu 3 years ago: “When some tried to flee, the FDLR attacked
them, killing dozens with guns, rocket-propelled grenades, and
machetes. “As I ran, I saw bodies everywhere – men, women and
children”, said one witness”.

“It is unacceptable that violence in Congo goes unstopped and
under-reported. While world leaders rightly condemn Syrian massacres
the human tragedies happening in Congo are hidden at best, ignored at
worst”, said Dixon.

Newspapers find it easier to report the threat to the gorilla
population in Virunga national park than they do the human cost of the
conflict. The timely reporting of events such as these can require
helicopters (often there are no roads), considerable risk (the Raia
Mutomboki have shown little sign of wanting to engage with any
foreigners), and a lot of time verifying what can be misleading
witness statements.

In eastern Congo, atrocities are everywhere. A nine-year old girl who
lies in a windowless room at a remote hospital in Rutshuru territory
recounts how she was raped in a field of corn while trying to flee the
fighting. An elderly and infirm couple sit together on wooden stools
as FARDC and M23 rebels exchange heavy machine gun fire in the hills
above them; they are too weak to leave their home on what has become
the front line.

Press releases and official reports can detail numbers of dead and the
mode of killing, but unless those numbers are given context, there is
a risk the world will become further desensitised to them. Those
fighting ‘Congo fatigue’ do so only to promote the urgent need for
civilian protection. Until a serious political commitment to a
long-term solution is made encompassing real progress on military
reform, that need will continue and the worst will go underreported.

Jessica Hatcher is a freelance journalist based in Nairobi.

-- 
You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups 
"South Sudan Info - The Kob" group.
To post to this group, send email to [email protected].
To unsubscribe from this group, send email to 
[email protected].
For more options, visit this group at 
http://groups.google.com/group/SouthSudanKob?hl=en.

Reply via email to