An Array of Relationships for Obama to Strengthen and Redefine

By MARK LANDLER

Published: November 7, 2012


WASHINGTON — If history is any guide, President Obama will cast his
eye abroad over the next four years, hoping to put an imprint on the
world that matches the sweeping domestic programs of his first term.
>From Iran and Russia to China and the Middle East, there are plenty of
opportunities, but also perils, for a leader seeking a statesman’s
legacy.


Many of the issues Mr. Obama will have no choice but to address. For
months, decisions on a number of festering problem areas have been
deferred by administration officials until after the election. And yet
as Richard M. Nixon did in opening ties to China or Ronald Reagan in
embracing arms control, Mr. Obama could see the foreign policy arena
as a place to achieve something more lasting in a second term than
crisis management and more satisfying than the gridlock that has
bedeviled his domestic initiatives.

Atop Mr. Obama’s list, administration officials and foreign policy
experts agree, is a deal with Iran to curb its nuclear program. The
United States is likely to engage the Iranian government in direct
negotiations in the next few months, officials said, in what would be
a last-ditch diplomatic effort to head off a military strike on its
nuclear facilities.

Officials insist they have not set a date for talks nor do they know
if Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, has blessed them.
But with Iran’s centrifuges spinning and Israel threatening its own
strike, the clock is ticking, and it may put pressure on the Iranians
to make a deal, particularly between now and Iran’s presidential
elections next June.

“If they can achieve something during that period, it would create a
new dynamic and create a very promising opening,” said Trita Parsi,
founder and president of the National Iranian American Council, an
advocacy group based in Washington that favors diplomacy.

While Mr. Obama can scarcely hope for something as seminal as
President Nixon’s famous journey to Beijing, experts say he has the
chance to forge a new relationship with China that takes into account
its rising economic might.

Last year, the president articulated a “strategic pivot” from the
Middle East to China and Asia. Critics said there was less to the
initiative than met the eye. But with four more years, Mr. Obama could
put meat on the bones of an ambitious, if incomplete, policy.

To be credible in Asia, experts said, the United States will need a
robust military presence from the Yellow Sea to the South China Sea.
But unless the White House and Congress strike a fiscal deal, the
Pentagon will face deep budget cuts, depriving it of the ability to
project such power. The challenge will be to assert a big role without
precipitating a clash with Beijing. “It’s going to have to be very
deft and subtle in its implementation because there’s going to be
pushback from the Chinese,” said R. Nicholas Burns, a former under
secretary of state who teaches at Harvard.

There may also be an opening for Mr. Obama with Russia on one of his
most cherished issues: nuclear nonproliferation. Among the most
intriguing congratulatory telegrams the president received this week
was from President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia, who had taken a
bristling tone toward the United States for much of the last year. On
Wednesday, Mr. Putin and his surrogates signaled a willingness to make
deals with the United States.

In his infamous remark to then-President Dmitri A. Medvedev last
March, picked up by an open microphone, Mr. Obama promised
“flexibility” after the election on a missile defense system based in
Europe — a concession Mr. Putin, who succeeded Mr. Medvedev last May,
has long sought. In Washington, a government review group has been
quietly preparing strategic arms-reductions proposals.

“It’s teed up for the president to make the decision,” said Steven
Pifer, director of the Arms Control Initiative at the Brookings
Institution. “If you think about what his legacy would be, this is
something he would like to leave behind.”

For Mr. Obama, the Middle East is generally less a landscape for bold
new initiatives than a place for triage. On situations as varied as
the crackdown in Syria and the Muslim Brotherhood government in Egypt,
the president will have to fight to keep intact even the vestiges of
the overture he made to the Islamic world early in his presidency.

But other unfinished business remains there — not least Mr. Obama’s
frustrated efforts to broker a peace agreement between Israel and the
Palestinians. But several experts expressed doubt that the president
would thrust himself again into the role of Middle East peacemaker.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel, who has had a fraught
relationship with Mr. Obama, seems likely to stay in power with a
right-wing government.

“Because he got his fingers burned and was outmaneuvered by Netanyahu,
he will wait to see the outcome in the Israeli election,” said Martin
S. Indyk, a former American ambassador to Israel.

Mr. Obama will not be able to avoid one issue. Over American and
Israeli objections, the Palestinian Authority’s president, Mahmoud
Abbas, also known as Abu Mazen, is likely to petition for nonstate
membership in the United Nations next month — a step he had put off
for the election. If the United Nations were to grant that, it would
cause Congress to cut off aid not only to the Palestinian Authority
but also to the United Nations.

“He doesn’t have an easy way to head off this vote,” said Mr. Indyk,
one of the authors of a book about Mr. Obama’s foreign policy,
“Bending History.” “But if Obama sends a message to Abu Mazen that he
is going to reinvigorate the peace process, this could give Abu Mazen
a way to climb down from the tree he’s in.”


Ellen Barry contributed reporting from Moscow, and Rick Gladstone from New York.

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