Three lessons about Burundi’s crisis from speaking to those who fled it
Posted on January 20, 2017 by Richard Moncrieff 
Burundi’s 327,000 refugees are not mere victims but also active
citizens, many remaining actively engaged in the country’s problems.
Credit: EU/ECHO/Anouk Delafortrie.

Children exercise in a refugee camp in Tanzania on the border with
Burundi. Credit: EU/ECHO/Anouk Delafortrie.

Burundi will soon mark two years since it was propelled into a
political crisis by President Pierre Nkurunziza’s determination to be
elected to a third term in power. As it stands, more than 327,000 of
Burundi’s 11 million people have now sought refuge outside the country
according to UN figures from early 2017 – nearly all fleeing since the
crisis erupted.

This calamity reverses a decade of refugee returns after the 1993-2005
civil war, and a new surge of people fleeing in late-2016 risks
overwhelming the woefully underfunded humanitarian response.

Most live in camps in neighbouring Tanzania, which has hosted
Burundian refugees since the 1970s. Others are in Uganda, Rwanda or
the Democratic Republic of Congo, while a smaller number live in urban
centres, especially Kigali, where many are not registered as refugees.

Despite many people fleeing, the Burundian government has been trying
to project a sense of control, arguing that the crisis has passed. It
claims that most refugees are either insurgents or have fallen victim
to the economic problems brought about, in their eyes, by
international sanctions.

At the UN General Assembly in September 2016, Burundi’s foreign
minister controversially claimed that many of its refugees are
returning voluntarily and that the country was now stable enough for a
policy of returns to be pursued. However, the assassination of a
government minister on 1 January, a failed attack on a government
spokesman in November, and numerous less high-profile acts of violence
and terror, show that Burundi remains deeply troubled.

At the same time, East African Community mediation led by former
Tanzanian President Benjamin Mkapa reached an impasse in December when
he stated that the legitimacy of President Nkurunziza should not be
questioned. The exiled opposition read this as blatant support for
what they see as a dictatorial regime. The breakdown in mediation will
further dent refugees’ hopes of an early resolution to the crisis and
increase their frustrations.

[The AU tried and failed on Burundi. Now it’s time to try again.]

During the course of 2016, Crisis Group interviewed over 50 Burundian
refugees from all walks of life, and from both Tutsi and Hutu ethnic
communities, in Rwanda, Tanzania, Uganda, Kenya and, for a few with
some money and connections, Belgium. We asked three questions: How and
why did you leave the country? What problems do you face in exile? And
how do you envisage your future and that of your country?

>From the responses, and drawing on long, field research-based
knowledge of Burundi, three broad conclusions emerged.

1) The refugee crisis is a result of political oppression

Despite government statements, which some diplomats and international
officials have been willing to believe, most exiles have fled a
violent political crisis, many in fear for their lives. The impression
of internal stability projected by the government is simply
incompatible with the still-growing number of refugees.

Nearly all we spoke to fled violence by the police, intelligence
services or the ruling party’s militia, the Imbonerakure, who have
been threatening, abducting and killing opponents (or so-called
opponents) throughout the country.

Repression spiked in the immediate aftermath of the attempted coup
against Nkurunziza in May 2015 and after an attack on military camps
in December 2015. Following the December assaults, security forces and
the Imbonerakure increasingly targeted Tutsis.

[Burundi’s cross-ethnic opposition under threat]

Some refugees left the country having been tipped off that their life
was in danger, while others had already been attacked or had lost
relatives. Police controls on the country’s borders increasingly
forced refugees to pay their way through or sneak out at night.

Some took children with them, others left family members behind. Some
have friends in detention. We gathered accounts of rape, some
ethnically targeted, and of torture. All this attests to political
violence being at the heart of decisions to leave.

2) Burundi’s human capital is draining away

The flight of many of the country’s best educated and most
entrepreneurial citizens, and a large number of its teachers, will
cause significant long-term damage. It will also add to a growing
economic crisis with traditional donors and investors shunning the
country.

A very small minority of refugees with social connections or economic
capital have been able to start a small business or find employment
with relatives. But many have lost their businesses and properties and
are seeking out menial work far below their qualifications, generating
frustration and hurt pride. Others have had to leave their land, in
many cases only recently recovered after previous periods of exile. A
number of refugees had fled the country before, in some cases up to
five times.

The energy and capacity formerly engaged in working to build up the
Burundian economy or educating its future workforce is now absorbed by
daily problems: feeding a family; dealing with administration;
negotiating relations with local communities; finding employment;
getting medical care, including dealing with psychological and
physical trauma; accessing services in a foreign language; or, for the
elite, trying to travel without an up-to-date Burundian passport.

3) The refugee crisis will have long-term political consequences

Burundi has spent over ten years recovering from a brutal civil war
and trying to regain greater social cohesion. But the recent violence
and oppression has brought the fractures of the past back to the
surface, accentuated by and accelerating the outflow of refugees.

As recent research shows, many of those who have fled were
particularly vulnerable because they were never properly integrated
when they returned after the civil war. Many were regarded as
politically suspect and land restitution was very poorly managed.

Despite their problems abroad, many are determined to stay politically
active. One young exile in Kigali said that to not engage in politics
would be a “betrayal of those left behind”. He had joined the
recently-formed International Movement of Burundian Youth (MIJB) to
make sure the voice of young people in exile was heard in debates on
the country’s future.

Such initiatives demonstrate a desire for solidarity, not just among
refugees, but with those left behind. However, repression by the
Burundian government, including assassination attempts, has spread to
asylum countries, generating mistrust among Burundian exiles who often
wonder who may be in the pay of the authorities in Bujumbura.

A population of over 300,000 refugees – mainly young, some educated
and with justified grievances against the government – is a ticking
time bomb in a region where political causes often end up being fought
for in the bush.

Those we talked to saw their future with a mix of fear and
uncertainty. The vast majority held President Nkurunziza responsible
for the crisis and constantly underlined the problem of impunity. Many
feared being forced to return. With time, this anger has led to a
desire amongst some to take up arms. But despite this, some also
expressed hope for their country, citing the low levels of ethnic
violence since the end of the war.

Most of all, our research shows that refugees are not mere victims but
also active citizens, and while some may resign themselves to their
fate or seek to move further abroad, many will remain actively engaged
in their country’s problems. Their voices must be heard in future
political dialogues.

Richard Moncrieff is Central Africa Project Director for International
Crisis Group, the independent conflict-prevention organisation.
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