http://www.tompaine.com/feature.cfm/ID/7230/view/print

Secret Draft Of `Patriot II' 
Justice Department Drafts Sweeping Expansion Of Anti-Terrorism Act 

Charles Lewis is the founder and executive director of the Center for 
Public Integrity. Adam Mayle is a James R. Soles Fellow at the 
Center. 


Editor's Note: The following report is available at The Center for 
Public Integrity's Web site. 




(WASHINGTON, Feb. 7, 2003) -- The Bush administration is preparing a 
bold, comprehensive sequel to the U.S.A. Patriot Act passed in the 
wake of 9/11, which will give the government broad, sweeping new 
powers to increase domestic intelligence-gathering, surveillance and 
law enforcement prerogatives, and simultaneously decrease judicial 
review and public access to information. 

The Center for Public Integrity has obtained a draft, dated Jan. 9, 
2003, of this previously undisclosed legislation and is making it 
available in full text. The bill, drafted by the staff of Attorney 
General John Ashcroft and entitled the Domestic Security Enhancement 
Act of 2003, has not been officially released by the Department of 
Justice, although rumors of its development have circulated around 
the Capitol for the last few months under the name of "the Patriot 
Act II" in legislative parlance. 


"It's troubling that they have gotten this far along and they've been 
telling people there is nothing in the works." 



"We haven't heard anything from the Justice Department on updating 
the Patriot Act," House Judiciary Committee spokesman Jeff Lungren 
told the Center. "They haven't shared their thoughts on that. 
Obviously, we'd be interested, but we haven't heard anything at this 
point." Senior members of the Senate Judiciary Committee minority 
staff have inquired about Patriot II for months and have been told as 
recently as this week that there is no such legislation being 
planned. 

Mark Corallo, deputy director of Justice's Office of Public Affairs, 
told the Center his office was unaware of the draft. "I have heard 
people talking about revising the Patriot Act, we are looking to work 
on things the way we would do with any law," he said. "We may work to 
make modifications to protect Americans," he added. When told that 
the Center had a copy of the draft legislation, he said, "This is all 
news to me. I have never heard of this." 

After the Center posted this story, Barbara Comstock, director of 
public affairs for the Justice Dept., released a statement saying 
that, "Department staff have not presented any final proposals to 
either the Attorney General or the White House. It would be premature 
to speculate on any future decisions, particularly ideas or proposals 
that are still being discussed at staff levels." 

An Office of Legislative Affairs "control sheet" that was obtained by 
the PBS program "Now With Bill Moyers" shows that a copy of the bill 
was sent to Speaker of the House Dennis Hastert and Vice President 
Richard Cheney on Jan. 10, 2003. "Attached for your review and 
comment is a draft legislative proposal entitled the `Domestice 
Security Enhancement Act of 2003,'" the memo, sent from "OLP" or 
Office of Legal Policy, says. 

Dr. David Cole, Georgetown University Law professor and author of 
Terrorism and the Constitution, reviewed the draft legislation at the 
request of the Center, and said that the legislation "raises a lot of 
serious concerns. It's troubling that they have gotten this far along 
and they've been telling people there is nothing in the works." This 
proposed law, he added, "would radically expand law enforcement and 
intelligence gathering authorities, reduce or eliminate judicial 
oversight over surveillance, authorize secret arrests, create a DNA 
database based on unchecked executive `suspicion,' create new death 
penalties, and even seek to take American citizenship away from 
persons who belong to or support disfavored political groups." 

Some of the key provision of the Domestic Security Enhancement Act of 
2003 include: 

Section 201, "Prohibition of Disclosure of Terrorism Investigation 
Detainee Information": Safeguarding the dissemination of information 
related to national security has been a hallmark of Ashcroft's first 
two years in office, and the Domestic Security Enhancement Act of 
2003 follows in the footsteps of his October 2001 directive to 
carefully consider such interest when granting Freedom of Information 
Act requests. While the October memo simply encouraged FOIA officers 
to take national security, "protecting sensitive business information 
and, not least, preserving personal privacy" into account while 
deciding on requests, the proposed legislation would enhance the 
department's ability to deny releasing material on suspected 
terrorists in government custody through FOIA. 

Section 202, "Distribution of `Worst Case Scenario' Information": 
This would introduce new FOIA restrictions with regard to the 
Environmental Protection Agency. As provided for in the Clean Air 
Act, the EPA requires private companies that use potentially 
dangerous chemicals must produce a "worst case scenario" report 
detailing the effect that the release of these controlled substances 
would have on the surrounding community. Section 202 of this Act 
would, however, restrict FOIA requests to these reports, which the 
bill's drafters refer to as "a roadmap for terrorists." By reducing 
public access to "read-only" methods for only those persons "who live 
and work in the geographical area likely to be affected by a worst-
case scenario," this subtitle would obfuscate an established level of 
transparency between private industry and the public. 

Section 301-306, "Terrorist Identification Database": These sections 
would authorize creation of a DNA database on "suspected terrorists," 
expansively defined to include association with suspected terrorist 
groups, and noncitizens suspected of certain crimes or of having 
supported any group designated as terrorist. 

Section 312, "Appropriate Remedies with Respect to Law Enforcement 
Surveillance Activities": This section would terminate all state law 
enforcement consent decrees before 9/11, not related to racial 
profiling or other civil rights violations, that limit such agencies 
from gathering information about individuals and organizations. The 
authors of this statute claim that these consent orders, which were 
passed as a result of police spying abuses, could impede current 
terrorism investigations. It would also place substantial 
restrictions on future court injunctions. 

Section 405, "Presumption for Pretrial Detention in Cases Involving 
Terrorism": While many people charged with drug offenses punishable 
by prison terms of 10 years or more are held before their trial 
without bail, this provision would create a comparable statute for 
those suspected of terrorist activity. The reasons for presumptively 
holding suspected terrorists before trial, the Justice Department 
summary memo states, are clear. "This presumption is warranted 
because of the unparalleled magnitude of the danger to the United 
States and its people posed by acts of terrorism, and because 
terrorism is typically engaged in by groups -- many with 
international connections -- that are often in a position to help 
their members flee or go into hiding." 

Whereas a citizen formerly had to state his intent to relinquish his 
citizenship, the new law affirms that his intent can be "inferred 
from conduct." 



Section 501, "Expatriation of Terrorists": This provision, the 
drafters say, would establish that an American citizen could be 
expatriated "if, with the intent to relinquish his nationality, he 
becomes a member of, or provides material support to, a group that 
the United Stated has designated as a `terrorist organization'." But 
whereas a citizen formerly had to state his intent to relinquish his 
citizenship, the new law affirms that his intent can be "inferred 
from conduct." Thus, engaging in the lawful activities of a group 
designated as a "terrorist organization" by the Attorney General 
could be presumptive grounds for expatriation. 

The Domestic Security Enhancement Act is the latest development in an 
18-month trend in which the Bush administration has sought expanded 
powers and responsibilities for law enforcement bodies to help 
counter the threat of terrorism. 

The U.S.A. Patriot Act, signed into law by President Bush on Oct. 26, 
2001, gave law enforcement officials broader authority to conduct 
electronic surveillance and wiretaps, and gives the president the 
authority, when the nation is under attack, to confiscate any 
property within U.S. jurisdiction of anyone believed to be engaging 
in such attacks. The measure also tightened oversight of financial 
activities to prevent money laundering and diminish bank secrecy in 
an effort to disrupt terrorist finances. 

It also changed provisions of Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, 
which was passed in 1978 during the Cold War. FISA established a 
different standard of government oversight and judicial review 
for "foreign intelligence" surveillance than that applied to 
traditional domestic law enforcement surveillance. 

The U.S.A. Patriot Act allowed the Federal Bureau of Investigation to 
share information gathered in terrorism investigations under 
the "foreign intelligence" standard with local law enforcement 
agencies, in essence nullifying the higher standard of oversight that 
applied to domestic investigations. The U.S.A. Patriot Act also 
amended FISA to permit surveillance under the less rigorous standard 
whenever "foreign intelligence" was a "significant purpose" rather 
than the "primary purpose" of an investigation. 

The draft legislation goes further in that direction. "In the [U.S.A. 
Patriot Act] we have to break down the wall of foreign intelligence 
and law enforcement," Cole said. "Now they want to break down the 
wall between international terrorism and domestic terrorism." 

In an Oct. 9, 2002, hearing of the Senate Judiciary Subcommittee on 
Technology, Terrorism, and Government Information, Deputy Assistant 
Attorney General Alice Fisher testified that Justice had 
been, "looking at potential proposals on following up on the Patriot 
Act for new tools and we have also been working with different 
agencies within the government and they are still studying that and 
hopefully we will continue to work with this committee in the future 
on new tools that we believe are necessary in the war on terrorism." 

Asked by Sen. Russ Feingold (D-Wis.) whether she could inform the 
committee of what specific areas Justice was looking at, Fisher 
replied, "At this point I can't, I'm sorry. They're studying a lot of 
different ideas and a lot of different tools that follow up on 
information sharing and other aspects." 


"Now they want to break down the wall between international terrorism 
and domestic terrorism." 



Assistant Attorney General for Legal Policy Viet Dinh, who was the 
principal author of the first Patriot Act, told Legal Times last 
October that there was "an ongoing process to continue evaluating and 
re-evaluating authorities we have with respect to counterterrorism," 
but declined to say whether a new bill was forthcoming. 

Former FBI Director William Sessions, who urged caution while 
Congress considered the U.S.A. Patriot Act, did not want to enter the 
fray concerning a possible successor bill. 

"I hate to jump into it, because it's a very delicate thing," 
Sessions told the Center, without acknowledging whether he knew of 
any proposed additions or revisions to the additional Patriot bill. 

When the first bill was nearing passage in the Congress in late 2001, 
however, Sessions told Internet site NewsMax.com that the balance 
between civil liberties and sufficient intelligence gathering was a 
difficult one. "First of all, the Attorney General has to justify 
fully what he's asking for," Sessions, who served presidents Reagan 
and George H.W. Bush as FBI Director from 1987 until 1993, said at 
the time. "We need to be sure that we provide an effective means to 
deal with criminality." At the same time, he said, "we need to be 
sure that we are mindful of the Constitution, mindful of privacy 
considerations, but also meet the technological needs we have" to 
gather intelligence. 

Cole found it disturbing that there have been no consultations with 
Congress on the draft legislation. "It raises a lot of serious 
concerns and is troubling as a generic matter that they have gotten 
this far along and tell people that there is nothing in the works. 
What that suggests is that they're waiting for a propitious time to 
introduce it, which might well be when a war is begun. At that time 
there would be less opportunity for discussion and they'll have a 
much stronger hand in saying that they need these right away." 




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