WELCOME TO IWPR’S TRIBUNAL UPDATE No. 539, February 22, 2008

BELGRADE VIOLENCE SHAKES EU CONVICTIONS  Apparent belief that membership 
benefits would outweigh nationalist goals now seem misplaced.  By Merdijana 
Sadovic in Sarajevo and Simon Jennings in The Hague

COURTSIDE:

COURT HEARS OF “AWFUL” SERB-RUN CAMP  Omarska camp employees speak of terrible 
conditions, but try not to implicate camp commander in crimes committed there.  
By Denis Dzidic in Sarajevo

CROATIAN POLICE DENY FORCING CONFESSIONS IN GLAVAS CASE  A witness says 
allegations of brutal methods being used during interrogation of two defendants 
were “notorious lie”.   By Goran Jungvirth in Zagreb

WITNESS BLAMES NATO FOR KOSOVO EXODUS  Serbian official claims Albanians fled 
Kosovo due to NATO bombing, but admits Serb forces committed crimes there.  By 
Simon Jennings in The Hague

ACQUITTAL MOTION FOR HERCEG-BOSNA DEFENDANTS DECLINED  The defence teams of six 
Bosnian Croat officials will have a case to answer after all.  By Simon 
Jennings in The Hague

BRIEFLY NOTED:

EXTRA JUDGES TO MEET HEAVY WORKLOAD  Tribunal shortly able to hear up to eight 
cases simultaneously - highest number since its established.  By Simon Jennings 
in The Hague

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BELGRADE VIOLENCE SHAKES EU CONVICTIONS  

Apparent belief that membership benefits would outweigh nationalist goals now 
seem misplaced.

By Merdijana Sadovic in Sarajevo and Simon Jennings in The Hague

Following violent protests in Belgrade over Kosovo independence, European Union 
officials today, February 22, froze talks with Serbia on closer ties until the 
situation “calms down” - but analysts wonder whether the damage done to 
relations with the West is now irreparable.

Around 200,000 protesters gathered on February 21 in Serbia’s capital at a 
rally organised by the authorities to show that Serbia does not accept Kosovo 
Albanians' unilateral declaration of independence, proclaimed on February 17.

But the gathering turned violent when a number of protesters - angered by 
western recognition of Kosovo’s independence - attacked several embassies in 
Belgrade, including those of the  Americans and British.

According to the broadcaster B92, around 150 demonstrators  were injured when 
they clashed with police, with one protester  reportedly found dead in a blaze 
at the American embassy.

In response to this eruption of violence, European governments have  put on 
hold all talks with Serbia over its membership of the EU.

Shortly after the protest in Belgrade, the EU‘s foreign policy chief Javier 
Solana announced that there would be no further talks until the tense situation 
in Serbia eases. In a press release issued on February 22, Solana said that 
“the violence in Belgrade and the attacks on embassies there yesterday evening 
are totally unacceptable. Violence can lead nowhere. We call for calm, 
restraint and responsible
behaviour by all parties."

Addressing the reporters in Brussels, Solana pointed out that this is not the 
right moment to continue talks on building an agreement between the EU and 
Serbia.

"We are not at this very moment trying to move that on," he said, adding that 
“things will have to calm down” before the next move is made.

The EU's enlargement commissioner Olli Rehn, who has been leading difficult 
negotiations aimed at raising Serbia's prospects of joining the EU, strongly 
condemned the outbreak of violence.
 
“We respect the democratic right of the Serbian people to voice their opinion 
on developments in Kosovo, but the use of violence for expressing one's opinion 
is unacceptable," he said.

"We urge all Serbian politicians to call for restraint and avoid statements 
that could further inflame the situation."

Only a few weeks ago, Serbia seemed very close to signing the Stabilisation and 
Association Agreements, SAA, which is the first step towards full membership of 
the 27-member union.

However, since it failed to meet the main pre-condition for signing the 
agreement – the arrest of the Hague tribunal’s top fugitive Ratko Mladic – the 
EU decided to wait a bit more and offered a potentially lucrative economic deal 
instead. The deal, presented to Serbia on January 28, included free trade with 
EU member countries and liberalised visa restrictions.

But Kosovo’s unilateral declaration of independence last week and the 
presidential election run-off on February 3, which president Boris Tadic won by 
narrow margin, have meant that Belgrade has been less concerned with the EU 
than events in its own backyard.

Soon after Pristina’s declaration, the United States, Britain, France and many 
other European countries recognised Kosovo as an independent state, sparking a 
wave of protests in Serbia, which culminated in the February 21 unrest.

President Tadic, who was on a visit to Romania at the time of the protests, 
said he did not intend to let Serbia cut itself off from the rest of the world. 
He reaffirmed the position that Serbia does not recognise Kosovo, but still 
seeks a European future. 

"We will never falter and we will never surrender. We will continue our 
struggle in a peaceful manner, with a well-defined strategic plan and we will 
protect our interests," said Tadic.

However, the damage to Serbia’s relations with the western world has been done, 
and many observers wonder whether it is irreparable. 

Spomenka Grujicic, Program Director of the Helsinki Committee in Belgrade, 
thinks this largely depends on the position the country’s leaders take, 
especially President Tadic. 

“Serbia will have to decide which way to go,” she said. “The biggest 
responsibility is on the Democratic Party, whose leader [Tadic] won the 
presidential elections because of his pro-European option. Now people expect 
him to speak up and say we would never accept [the outcome of] this rally in 
Belgrade.”

James Lyon from the  International Crisis Group doesn’t put too much hope in 
Tadic, because “he has almost no power whatsoever”.

“This is something the EU hasn't sat back and really thought through. They keep 
putting all their eggs in the Tadic basket and he is unable to deliver because 
he doesn't have the constitutional power to do so,” he said. 

He adds that the main problem is that although polls in Serbia show that 70 per 
cent of people want to join the EU, when they are asked to choose between a 
European future and Kosovo, “well over 50 per cent say they are in favour of 
choosing Kosovo over the EU.

“This is something that the EU is simply trying to gloss over.

“The EU's ideology is that the joys of EU membership are sufficiently strong to 
outweigh any nationalist programmes that may be out there and EU membership 
will be in itself sufficient to generate change in this part of the world, in 
the Balkans, because everyone will be dying to make changes.

“But this isn't the case. People here have shown that as long as national 
interests are unresolved, EU integration does not have the power to act as a 
magnet or a carrot to generate change.”

Merdijana Sadovic is IWPR’s Hague programme manager and Simon Jennings is an 
IWPR reporter in The Hague.


COURTSIDE:

COURT HEARS OF “AWFUL” SERB-RUN CAMP.

Omarska camp employees speak of terrible conditions, but try not to implicate 
camp commander in crimes committed there.    

By Denis Dzidic in Sarajevo

Defence witnesses at a Serb policeman’s war crimes trial in Sarajevo testified 
this week how conditions at a detention camp he oversaw were appalling, but 
disagreed over whether he was in absolute control of the complex as prosecutors 
allege.

Nada Markovski, a stenographer who wrote up detainees’ statements, said she had 
always assumed defendant Zeljko Mejakic was “in charge of the Omarska camp and 
the security within it”.

Her testimony chimed with the indictment, in which prosecutors accuse Mejakic 
and three other men of committing crimes against humanity and murders at this 
camp in northern Bosnia in 1992. According to the indictment, Mejakic was chief 
of security and controlled the lives of 3,000 civilian detainees held there, 
primarily Bosniaks and Bosnian Croats.

Markovski said Simo Drljaca, commander of the Prijedor police department, 
stationed her at Omarska in order “to type statements gathered from detainees”. 
Drljaca was killed in July 1997 when resisting arrest by international forces.  

According to Markovski, she never saw any beatings of detainees, however 
“sometimes I could hear screams, and sometimes I saw people with bruises”.

Zeljko Grabovica, a former reserve police officer who worked with army 
interrogators at the Omarska camp, also described the “awful” conditions in the 
camp.

Grabovica claimed he was drafted as a reserve police officer before the war, 
and worked in the Omarska police station. He said that he didn’t know who the 
station commander was but that he “took orders from the active police officers 
like Mejakic and Miroslav Kvocka".

In November 2001, Kvocka was sentenced by the Hague tribunal to seven years 
imprisonment for his role as Omarska camp security commander.

 “What I would do was, I would get a piece of paper from the investigators I 
was assigned to help, and then I would go to the rooms where the detainees were 
held and try to find the person on the paper,” explained Grabovica.

 “The state of the camp and the detainees was very hard. The weather was hot 
and the smell was terrible. I don’t know what the food was like, because I ate 
with the investigators but I assume it wasn’t good and that the people were 
hungry,” he said.

According to the witness, the police never got involved in the questioning of 
detainees, and were never involved in beatings of detainees.

“The two investigators I worked with never hurt detainees, sometimes I would 
sit in the room while they interrogated one of them. However, behind the other 
closed doors I could hear moans and screams. Sometimes they would bring a 
person out who was beaten so badly that he could barely walk,” said Grabovica.

Grabovica testified that he saw Mejakic inside the camp often, talking to 
security, but said he had never heard of Momcilo Gruban, a fellow defendant.

When asked if he knew what positions the defendants held inside the camp, the 
witness claimed that after he started working with the investigators he stopped 
working with the police, and “didn’t know anything about them”.

But former Omarska police officer Radovan Kecan was adamant that Mejakic was 
not the commander of the Omarska police department. All decisions regarding the 
camp, he said, went through the “Prijedor police station and Simo Drljaca”.  

Mirko Kobas, a medical technician who was assigned to the camp in order to help 
detainees, said that the conditions in the rooms where detainees were held were 
appalling, and “they smelled horrible because of the high temperatures”.

He claimed that he was ordered to go to the camp by Drljaca because “the 
detainees had problems with infections”.

“When we entered the camp, everything was quiet, and the rooms smelled bad. We 
saw dirty and hairy men held in them,” recalled Kobas. 

According to the witness, detainees were given only “sporadic medical 
assistance because we were ordered only to clean the rooms”.

Pero Rendic was a worker in the camp kitchens and also described the dreadful 
conditions prevalent at Omarska. When entering the courtroom, he waved to the 
defendants, but the judges refused his request to shake their hands.

According to him, the detainees received “one meal per day, but the bread had 
to be divided into eight parts because there wasn’t enough”.

Rendic also claimed that there were a lot of supplies in the kitchen at the 
beginning, “but they melted away because we were making such large meals. The 
quality of the food could not be improved because there were no new supplies”.

The indictment alleges Mejakic, along with the three other men, took part in 
the mistreatment and persecution of non-Serbs in the Prijedor municipality 
confined at the Omarska, Keraterm and Trnopolje camps in 1992. The detainees 
were allegedly held in inhumane conditions and subjected to sexual, physical 
and psychological torture.

According to the indictment, Gruban and Dusan Fustar are charged as commanders 
of guard shifts at the Omarska and Keraterm camps respectively.

The hearing will continue on February 27 when Mejakic’s defence will present 
its final two witnesses. After which the other defendants will be able to start 
their defence.

Denis Dzidic is an IWPR reporter in Sarajevo.


CROATIAN POLICE DENY FORCING CONFESSIONS IN GLAVAS CASE

A witness says allegations of brutal methods being used during interrogation of 
two defendants were “notorious lie”. 

By Goran Jungvirth in Zagreb

Croatian policemen took the stand this week to deny having forced defendants in 
a Zagreb war crimes trial to incriminate themselves.

Defendants Gordana Getos-Magdic and Zdravko Dragic have both complained that 
police pressurised them into confessing that they were involved in the murder 
of Serb civilians.

Along with five other Croatians, including powerful politician Branimir Glavas, 
Getos-Magdic and Dragic now say they did not take part in the murder of any 
civilians during the 1991-5 war of independence.

Judge Zeljko Horvatovic read out a part of Getos-Magdic’s statement in which 
she accused the police of brutality, but the allegations were strongly denied 
by policeman Antonijo Gerovac.

 “It is a notorious lie that during the investigation of the third defendant 
(Getos-Magdic) cruel, brutal and monstrous methods were used,” said Gerovac. He 
added that the interrogation was conducted according to the law and without any 
coercion. 

As his colleague Zeljko Mikulic explained, Getos-Magdic came to the police 
acting arrogantly, and initially refused to cooperate.

“That contact with her lasted about a couple of hours when Mrs Getos said that 
she didn’t want to state anything, at least not in a formal way, because she 
was afraid for her life and the life of her family,” said Gerovac.

However, the next day she changed her mind and decided to give a statement. 
Gerovac was not sure what had prompted her to think again.

“Then, interrogation began with prosecutor Zeljko Krpan attending as well as a 
recording secretary. Because it lasted for hours we paused whenever someone 
requested it and everything passed without problems,” he said.

He added that, after giving a statement, Getos-Magdic and her lawyer read it 
and carefully looked at the record before signing it. Gerovac said no one had 
any objections.

According to prosecutors, the seven defendants killed Serbs in two separate 
incidents - the so-called sellotape and garage cases - now united into a single 
indictment.

In the garage case – so called because it took place in the garage of a 
municipal building in the town of Osijek – civilians were tortured and, in one 
case, forced to drink battery acid. In the other case, civilians’ mouths were 
covered in sticky tape before they were shot and thrown into the River Drava.

The trial was due to continue all week, but was adjourned because defendant 
Mirko Sivic was unwell. An expert witness was due to give evidence about 
handwriting, but lawyers decided not to call him to the stand.

Sivic’s attorney asked for a medical expert to determine if his client is fit 
to take part in the trial, which is scheduled to continue next week. 

Meanwhile, Glavas appeared in parliament, to which he was re-elected to in 
November. The new assembly lifted his immunity in order to continue the trial 
against him but allowed him to remain at liberty.

Glavas has also continued his battle with the Croatian weekly Feral.  Drago 
Hedl, editor of Feral and an IWPR contributor, was the first journalist to 
write about war crimes against Serb civilians in Osijek. 

The latest controversy appeared last week when Feral published what it said was 
the text of a threatening letter sent to Hedl, under the headline “Glavas’ 
Threats”. Glavas’ attorneys, who denied their client was connected to the 
letter, announced they would sue Feral for a million kuna (around 137,000 euro).

Feral, which says the case is an attempt to intimidate the media, announced 
this week it would contact the European Commission and all international bodies 
and warn them about the “scandalous course of the trial of Branimir Glavas and 
the shameful events which have accompanied it”. 

“It is unprecedented in Europe for a defendant in a serious war crimes case to 
defend himself without any restriction on his movements,” said a Feral 
editorial on February 21.

Goran Jungvirth is an IWPR reporter in Zagreb.


WITNESS BLAMES NATO FOR KOSOVO EXODUS

Serbian official claims Albanians fled Kosovo due to NATO bombing, but admits 
Serb forces committed crimes there.

By Simon Jennings in The Hague

A Serbian official this week told the war crimes trial of some of the country’s 
former leaders that NATO bombing, not the army, forced Albanians to flee Kosovo.

According to Dusan Gavranic, a former chief of the Secretariat of the Interior, 
SUP, in the eastern Kosovo municipality of Gnjilane, the bombing campaign was 
the main reason why civilians fled their villages near the town in 1999.

“The reasons were always the same. They were afraid of the bombing because the 
bombing was incessant…When residents noticed that the army was moving in the 
vicinity of their village they would leave because they knew the army was the 
target,” Gavranic told the tribunal.

Gavranic was giving evidence in defence of the former head of Kosovo  police, 
Lieutenant General Sreten Lukic, who faces charges of committing war crimes as 
one of the “Kosovo Six” defendants, who include former Serbian prime minister 
Milan Milutinovic; former Yugoslav deputy prime minister Nikola Sainovic; 
ex-chief of staff of the Yugoslav army Dragoljub Ojdanic; and ex-Yugoslav army 
commanders Nebojsa Pavkovic and Vladimir Lazarevic.

They are accused of orchestrating the killing of hundreds of Kosovo Albanians 
as well as the forced deportation of 800,000 people from the region during 1998 
and 1999.

The indictment against Lukic alleges that as chief of staff for the Serbian 
ministry of internal affairs in Kosovo, MUP, he “promoted, instigated, 
facilitated, encouraged and/or condoned the perpetration of crimes” between May 
1998 and June 1999.

Gavranic described to the court how residents abandoned the village of 
Prilepnica near Gnjilane in April 1999. 

The prosecution alleges that Serbian forces “entered the town of Prilepnica on 
or about 6 April 1999, and ordered residents to leave. The townspeople left and 
tried to go to another village but forces of the FRY [Federal Republic of 
Yugoslavia] and Serbia turned them back”.

But Gavranic said that this was not the case, telling the court he did not find 
anyone who had ordered people to leave.

“Talking to the officers… I wasn’t able to establish that anyone had told these 
residents to move out,” he told the court.  

“We did not have any information indicating that anybody who we had managed to 
contact in the army of Yugoslavia had ordered them or told them anything of 
this nature.”

Gavranic went on to explain how, having been sent back, the residents were on 
the move again a week later, driven out by NATO bombing. According to the 
witness, the villagers fled towards Macedonia as part of a huge column of 
people.

The timeframe of the successive flights from the village of Prilepnica 
described by Gavranic matched that of the indictment, but the root cause of 
them did not. 

In his cross-examination, the prosecutor challenged Gavranic on his assertion 
that the Serb officials had not ordered the evacuation. The prosecutor cited 
contradictory evidence from the village imam, Abdulhaqim Shaqiri, who testified 
as a prosecution witness in September 2006.  But Gavranic said he had made 
thorough checks.

“I told you we could not establish who it was who had given them such an order… 
All of the consultations we conducted then on 6th [April] when they returned 
indicated that none of the officers in the army whom I knew had any idea who 
could have done that,” he said.

Gavranic then described how civilians from other villages in the region also 
fled during April 1999. According to him, residents of the village of Srebnice 
started heading towards the Albanian-dominated area of Vranje on April 6 when 
fire engulfed the entire village.

According to the indictment, “throughout the entire municipality of Gnjlane 
forces of the FRY and Serbia systematically burned and destroyed houses, shops, 
cultural monuments and religious sites belonging to Kosovo Albanians”.

But when asked what caused the fire that forced residents to leave the village, 
Gavranic replied, “The bombing, the bombing did, the forest was on fire.”

While insistent that it was the NATO bombing and not acts of arson or demands 
for evacuation that led villagers to leave, the witness did tell the court 
about 184 crimes - including murder, robbery and arson - committed by Serbian 
forces in the area under his control during this period. 

He said that these crimes were investigated “as all regular [police] work 
continued” and that the legal three-day detention limit during investigations 
was extended to 30 days.

Gavranic then testified as to the conscientiousness of the police in the region 
at the time. Worried that the refugees would be attacked by members of the 
Kosovo Liberation Army on their way to the Macedonian border, he said he 
organised a patrol of three or four policemen to lead the column.

 “When people saw that police were there, nobody attacked,” he said. 

However, the imam, Shaqiri, testified that he was attacked as the column made 
its way to the border. When asked by the judge to clarify the positioning of 
the policemen, Gavranic confirmed they were only at the head of the column 
which contained “several thousand” people.

The defence counsel for Sainovic then put some questions to the witness. 
Sainovic was deputy prime minister of Yugoslavia at this time and faces charges 
of participating in a joint criminal enterprise, which included exercising 
authority over the interior ministry.  Prosecutors alleged that he enlisted 
volunteers “with a history of allegations of involvement in serious crimes 
against civilians in other conflicts, including in Kosovo in 1998”.

Asked by the defence counsel if Sainovic asked him for reports or if the 
Yugoslavian government had any power over the Serbian interior ministry, the 
witness denied this was the case. He also denied seeing any sort of document 
ordering joint command during 1999 in Kosovo.

“I…. never saw a single document that had that kind of heading, joint command 
or anything like that,” he said.
Simon Jennings is an IWPR reporter in The Hague.


ACQUITTAL MOTION FOR HERCEG-BOSNA DEFENDANTS DECLINED

The defence teams of six Bosnian Croat officials will have a case to answer 
after all. 

By Simon Jennings in The Hague

Judges in the war crimes trial of six former Bosnian Croat leaders this week 
dismissed defence motions for their early acquittal, leaving their respective 
defence counsels a full set of charges to answer.

The prosecution finished its case against the men last month and, as tribunal 
rules allow, defence lawyers asked for the dismissal of all charges they 
considered unproven.

Jadranko Prlic, Bruno Stojic, Slobodan Praljak, Milivoj Petkovic, Valentin 
Coric and Berislav Pusic are charged with gross violations of the Geneva 
conventions and committing crimes against humanity against the Bosniak 
population during the 1992-95 Bosnian war. 

It is also alleged they attacked, mistreated and expelled women and children as 
they sought to establish Herceg-Bosna, a self-proclaimed Croat entity, as a 
statelet within Bosnia.

In delivering its decision, the trial chamber ruled that enough evidence had 
been presented to suggest the case might end in a conviction. The defence teams 
must now challenge the prosecution’s version of events.

Explaining the court’s decision, Judge Jean-Claude Antonetti started with the 
charge that the men conspired to “permanently remove and ethnically cleanse 
Bosnian Muslims and other non-Croats who lived in areas on the territory of the 
Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina which were claimed to be part of…Herceg 
Bosna, and to join these areas as part of a ‘Greater Croatia’”. 

Judge Antonetti said numerous witnesses had testified that Croatian Defence 
Council policy “was to implement its plan in a way that would require the 
removal of Muslims and other non-Croats” from Herceg-Bosna.  

He ruled that the trial chamber might conclude that acts of persecution, 
imprisonment, detention, rape and forcible transfer were part of a plan 
intended to drive Muslims out of the entity.

Judge Antonetti then addressed the motions of lawyers for Coric and Pusic 
directly as they had called for their acquittal on all 26 counts of the 
indictment.  

Discussing Coric’s case, he cited reports showing Coric “issued orders to 
establish prison camps such as Heliodrom … [and] was also involved in other 
detention facilities and in the transfer of detainees from one unit to 
another”.  

According to the charges, the Herceg-Bosna authorities “established, supported 
and operated a system of ill-treatment, involving a network of prisons, 
concentration camps and other detention facilities…to arrest, detain and 
imprison thousands of Bosnian Muslims”.

Judge Antonetti further drew on evidence given by a former employee at one 
detention centre. According to this witness, Coric “played a role in the 
decision to release Muslim detainees and transport them to a third country”.

In calling for his acquittal, Coric’s defence council focused specifically on 
the charge of rape. But the trial chamber dismissed this motion, citing 
evidence indicating “that military police members committed rape and other 
crimes during the summer of 1993”.  

“A trial chamber could find that Coric shared the purpose of deporting Muslims… 
and that he participated in a joint criminal enterprise by using military 
police for criminal purposes or passively by failing to protect the Muslim 
population,” said Antonetti.

Turning to the charges against Pusic, the judge again dismissed all motions for 
acquittal.

“Witnesses say that Pusic was the deputy of Coric and played a major part in 
overseeing detention facilities,” he said.

 The judge referred again to the testimony of the former detention centre 
employee who said that prisoners were sent to do forced labour on the front 
lines. The judge recalled the witness’ words that “there never was any reaction 
to several warnings he had sent regarding how dangerous the work was”.

Having dismissed all grounds for acquittal at this halfway stage in 
proceedings, the trial chamber granted provisional release to five of the 
accused. However the prosecution immediately appealed the decision, arguing 
that the chamber’s dismissal of all motions for acquittal had increased the 
risk that the accused may abscond.

Subject to the appeal, Prlic, Stojic, Praljak, Petkovic and Coric were given 
liberty to return to Croatia until the trial recommences on May 4.  Pusic’s 
request for provisional release has not yet been considered as he has not 
attended court recently for health reasons. The Croatian government has pledged 
to provide the required level of security if provisional release is granted.

Simon Jennings is an IWPR reporter in The Hague.


BRIEFLY NOTED:

EXTRA JUDGES TO MEET HEAVY WORKLOAD

Tribunal shortly able to hear up to eight cases simultaneously - highest number 
since its established.

By Simon Jennings in The Hague

The United Nations Security Council this week approved the appointment of four 
additional temporary judges at the Hague tribunal.  

Secretary General Ban Ki Moon was authorised to assign the judges to help the 
court meet its target of trying all accused by the end of 2008.

The resolution stated that the extra judges would help “to conduct additional 
trials as soon as possible in order to meet completion strategy objectives”.

The tribunal currently employs 16 permanent judges elected by the UN General 
Assembly as well as an additional 12 temporary judges. The new appointments, 
themselves a temporary measure, will take the total number of extra judges to 
16. But from the beginning of 2009 this number must return to a maximum of 12.

"With the approval of this resolution, the tribunal will be able to increase 
its level of productivity, hearing up to eight cases simultaneously, the 
highest number since its establishment," the tribunal said in a statement.

The completion strategy of the tribunal dictates that all trials be completed 
by the end of this year, with all appeals procedures tied up before the court’s 
scheduled closure in 2010.

However, an exact timeframe remains in the balance as the two men most wanted 
in the Hague remain at large. Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic and his 
military commander Ratko Mladic are both charged by the tribunal with 
orchestrating the 1995 genocide in Srebrenica which led to the death of 8,000 
Muslim men and boys. 

While some trials are also being relocated to regional courts in the Balkans, 
cases scheduled to be heard in The Hague, such as that of former Croatian 
general Ante Gotovina, have yet to start.

Simon Jennings is an IWPR reporter in The Hague.

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TRIBUNAL UPDATE, the publication arm of IWPR's International Justice Project, 
produced since 1996, details the events and issues at the International 
Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, ICTY, at The Hague.

These weekly reports, produced by IWPR's human rights and media training 
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war crimes prosecution process.

The opinions expressed in Tribunal Update are those of the authors and do not 
necessarily represent those of the publication or of IWPR.

Tribunal Update is supported by the European Commission, the Dutch Ministry for 
Development and Cooperation, the Swedish International Development and 
Cooperation Agency, the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, and other funders. 
IWPR also acknowledges general support from the Ford Foundation.

TRIBUNAL UPDATE: Editor-in-Chief: Anthony Borden; Managing Editor: Yigal 
Chazan; Senior Editor: John MacLeod; Project Manager: Merdijana Sadovic; 
Translation: Predrag Brebanovic, and others.

w: Executive Director: Anthony Borden; Strategy & Assessment Director: Alan 
Davis; Chief Programme Officer: Mike Day.

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