President Museveni's third term is inevitable
  
Some egg-heads and real reactionaries continue to
point their provocative fingers to President Yoweri
Museveni, teasing him about his endless deadlines for
the end of the Kony war. Uganda Confidential would
like to take a little licence and authoritatively
inform those detractors that: one, President Museveni
has no apology to make, for his shifting deadlines;
and two, that as long as the Kony cancer continues to
eat a way a section of Ugandan society, President
Museveni will be obliged to take on a third term, if
need be, in order to wipe off Kony from the surface of
Uganda.

And that leads us to the heart of the matter: Why has
it taken President Museveni more than 15 years to
defeat the ragtag bandits in the north? This is a
question that is most of the time naively posed. In
order to answer that question, let us look elsewhere.
The mighty United States of America, with all its
elastic financial resources, has failed to get only
one man: Mr Osam bin Laden, even after USA destroyed
the Taliban regime of Afghanistan, which used to
shelter and back Mr Osama bin Laden. 

Compare that with Uganda, which in the first place has
no capacity to destroy the Sudan regime which supports
Kony, and the provocative queries became nothing, but
minced meat. The Angolan Government, with all its
astronomical earning from oil, which brings in closer
to $12 billion a year, where the chief of intelligence
has about four executive planes at his disposal,
failed to kill rebel chief, Jonas Savimbi for a whole
25 years! Compare that with Uganda, whose earnings
from coffee has dropped from a pocket money change of
$400 million to only $100 million, and a realistic
person can clearly see that the provocations that
President Museveni has failed to net Kony, are
completely childish and unscientific. 

Similarly, Sudan, which has been fighting SPLA for the
last twenty years, despite its abundant resources, is
no where near winning the Southern war. But there is
even a more scientific explanation as to why Mr
Museveni’s deadlines were expected to come and go, and
new ones issued. The fundamental reason why the war in
the north is taking long, is because Mr Museveni is
being scientific in his approach. Mr Museveni decided
to use the carrot method of persuading largely a very
hostile north to come into fold.

This approach is slow in gaining military victory, but
in the long run, it will be more effective in
isolating the old fascists and tribalists from the new
growing generation with a more nationalist outlook,
based on the need to consolidate national economic
superstructure. Indeed, the old tribalists like Adok
Nekyon have been dumped in the political dustbin and
new young and more nationalistic ones like Hon Henry
Okello Oryem are now the rising stars.

If Mr Museveni was not calculative, he would have
pursued the line that gives quick military victory,
but which in the long run would not have been
unsustainable. 

This line would have gone like this: Shortly after the
end of he war in 1986, Mr Museveni would have deployed
a huge fascist army which would have gone in the north
on a genocide mission, clearing every one in sight,
just like Milton Obote did in the Luwero Triangle.
Within only one year, the hostile population in the
north would have been wiped out, millions more would
have died in refugee camps, and few would have made it
as established refugees. In the long run however,
after say thirty years, Mr Museveni’s regime would one
day have to face the consequences of genocide
committed in the north. I

ndeed, Mr Museveni has conducted the war in the north
with kid gloves. An international study has put the
accumulated deaths in the north since 1986 to only
23,520, of which rebels killed by the UPDF are only
8,000. 

Compare that with the fact that in only five years
(1981-85), Milton Obote killed more than 300,000 in
Luwero and you will not fail to realise the
sensitivity with which Mr Museveni has handled the
northern war. President Museveni weighed all this and
took the option which is more protracted, slow in
giving results, but which, in the end, would produce
consolidated political achievements for every one. 

Two political and economic factors seem to favour Mr
Museveni’s protracted approach. One is that the
hostile north, especially the Acholis, happen to be in
an isolated area which is not very pivotal to the more
economically advanced southern part of the country.
There is more business between Uganda and the Eastern
Congo and Rwanda than between the central and north.
What this means is that while the problem of the north
continues, the majority of the people in south are not
likely to lose economic sleep, which matters a lot.
Politically while the minority northerners are not
likely to create a political imbalance in the voting
period, it is important for the Government to keep the
army there, in order to deny the rebels the
possibility of having an area which they (rebels)
control and use it as a spring board for the likes of
Dr Kiiza Besigye to launch the war on the south. 

And as long as these two factors are taken care of, as
Mr Museveni is doing, it will be just a matter of few
years, and for the forces of enlightenment to defeat
the forces of savage darkness. Despite the fact that
President Museveni has had an affirmative action
towards the north, in form of a $100 million special
annual development fund which Milton Obote never had,
Mr Museveni enjoys marginal votes there. To be fair to
President Museveni, he has done fairly well. For those
forgetful minds, it is important to remind them that
not long ago, there were three successive Kony-types
of Government for a whole of 15 years (1971-1986) in
Uganda. 

Those were the days when the Konys were in power
proper. One could be killed because he had built mere
foundation for the house, for having a beautiful wife,
for driving a posh car, for putting on a simple
glittering watch… Those were the savage days when one
could be killed just because he or she spoke English
or Luganda. President Yoweri Museveni took a frontal
role in dismantling those savage regimes.

Subsequently, and as expected, the fragmented cadres
of those savage regimes re-grouped and tried to fight
back. At one time, there were 14 of them: Uganda
National Democratic Alliance, of Sam Luwero, Uganda
People’s Front, of Peter Otai, Uganda Youth Pressure
Group, of George Ayeko, Uganda Peoples Democratic
Movement, of Dr Obonyo, Peace Movement, of Opolot
Opetek, Uganda Constitutional Movement, of Akena
Adoko, Ninth October Movement, of Milton Obote, U4
Front of John Ogole, NALU, of Amon Bazira, Uganda
Peace for Democratic Pluralism, of Olala Otunu,
UNLF-AD, of Wadada Nabudere, UDM/UPA, of Otema
Alimadi. There was also the UFM and Uganda Democratic
Coperation. Surely, if Mr Museveni has managed to
defeat all these thuggery groups, and is only
remaining with the one that is experiencing the kicks
of a dying horse, surely does he not deserve a big
congratulations than being teased? Don’t we know where
exactly failures went? Where are the Interahamwes?

Where is the Idi Amin’s army? Where is the UNLF? Can a
sensible person rate Mr Museveni as a failure in his
war to contain savages? Finally, what we find most
amazing by those who tease Mr Museveni, is that they
do not seem to know what they want. On one hand, they
poke their fingers in the ribs of Mr Museveni, while
at the same time they are unable to offer solutions. 

Then there is another hole in which bthey are trapped:
Support Kony or any other violent means of removing an
elected government is now out of place. So while the
likes of Dr Besigye and company feel tempted to use
the very methods Mr Museveni used to get to power,
what they forget is that 15 years is a long time ago,
and that things have changed. This new reality,
especially after September 11, has disarmed the
disgruntled. 

If the opposition wants to see President Museveni
relinquish power in 2006, let them help him finish the
Kony menace now. If the opposition continues to
inflame hate campaign and encouraging the savage of
Kony type, Mr Museveni will have nothing to do, but to
be obliged to appropriate the third term. 

SSEEZI-CHEEYE 
 


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