Help Acholi rediscover themselves 

Mr President, there is one more approach to ending the
northern Uganda conflict that needs exploration –just
tell the Acholi people that they are a great people
and show that you mean those words. 

The Joseph Kony war has many faces. One of these
facets that needs appreciation is the cultural
dimension of the war. This entails understanding the
Acholi people. Now, who are the Acholi? A dark
skinned, tall and violent luo-speaking tribe who live
in northern Uganda? 

This is too simplistic a description. One must
understand the psyche of the Acholi. A better
understanding of the Acholi would give vital clues
that would probably lead to better policies on ending
the 17-year-old conflict in northern Uganda. 

The Kony war is not a war aimed at toppling the
government. Joseph Kony is not fighting to overrun
Kampala. he is not interested in becoming the
president of Uganda. 
At the heart of the northern war is the fight for
Acholi ethnic identity. This is the reason the
objectives of Kony’s Lord Resistance Army (LRA) remain
vague. The northern war cannot end without addressing
the question of Acholi identity. 

Anthropological and ethnographic studies that give
useful information about the Acholi are available. It
is important to understand the distinctiveness of
ethnic groups. This is part of Africa’s diversity that
puzzled the western world right from colonial times to
the present day. 

Failure to appreciate this has frustrated many well
intentioned politicians, programmes and projects in
Africa. 
Is this tribalism? Yes and no. “Tribalism” just like
“sex” has been skewed to suggest evil when it is not. 

The colonialists demonised tribalism because tribes
posed an obstacle to creating big economic zones for
the exploitation of African resources. The
post-independence African leaders are still playing
the parrot to this colonial mischief. Ethnicity should
be seen in its true and positive light. 
We are to blame for letting politicians harness the
powerful force of ethnicity for evil. Some academics
argue that what we call tribes are actually nations.
The word “tribe” was used by colonialists to undermine
the African people. 

Let me suggest a simple ethnographic profile of the
Acholi people. They are one of the most culturally
cohesive group in the country, with a tight ethnic
fabric than most ethnic groupings in Uganda. At
Makerere University, it is not uncommon to see Acholi
students moving in groups of four, five or seven. 

The Acholi students association at University has one
of biggest memberships. Perhaps only second to
Nkoba-za-mbogo, the Buganda student’s association. An
Acholi, even one with national and international
exposure, is more likely to marry a fellow Acholi. 
The Acholi are very convinced of their cultural
superiority. It was drummed into their psyche from
childhood. 

Every year at the University’s cultural gala, which
features traditional dances, songs and other
performances, either the Acholi or the Baganda win.
Records would show that the Acholi have won most
times. 
An Acholi traditional dance is more likely to attract
and retain attention than most traditional dances in
Uganda. The Acholi language probably has the richest
reservoir of poetry, songs, stories, riddles and
symbolism in Uganda (read the works of Okot p’ Bitek
and other Acholi writers) 

Acholi people have a tradition of military bravery
that is only comparable to that of the Scots.
Americans and Canadians of Scottish descent constitute
a single group with the most decorated officers in the
US armed forces. During the American civil war
(1861-1865) it took the intervention of German
mercenaries to turn the tide against confederate
forces –– who had many officers and men of Scottish
descent –– and save the Union that constitutes the US.


The Acholi have dominated Uganda’s army since colonial
times. This is not merely an accident of British
colonial administration policy as Uganda’s historians
would have us believe. There is a cultural dimension
to it. 

Acholi probably constitute the highest ethnic
representation in the officers and men of the UPDF,
excluding top commanders. 

The Acholi formed the bulk of Uganda’s fighting force
which ousted Idi Amin in 1979. Those who witnessed the
Luwero Triangle War (1981-1985) are more likely to
remember Acholi soldiers than any other tribes. The
Acholi language usage is probably loaded with more
connotations relating to fighting, hunting, attack and
similar words than any ethnic group in Uganda. 

With this brief background, the response of the Acholi
to what they see as betrayal by the Movement
government should be understandable. The
aforementioned see the Movement as not only having
betrayed them, but also negated their identity. 
When Yoweri Museveni defeated the Acholi-led
government in Kampala in 1986, it was not only a
betrayal of the Acholi peace gestures (the Nairobi
peace talks of 1985) to Museveni, but also a violation
of Acholi identity. 

You will recall that by toppling Obote, Acholi aspired
to be an important process to bring reconciliation to
Uganda. That is why Museveni was invited out of the
Bush on the day Obote fell. Obote fell because of
failure to recognise the Acholi identity in appointing
the army chief of staff. 
The issue of identity is crucial to humanity and a man
will do anything to establish his identity. In fact,
ethnic identity has played a prominent role in
Uganda’s conflicts since independence. When Milton
Obote abolished the Buganda Monarchy in 1966 and
exiled Fred Mutesa, Buganda’s King, the most important
thing Obote had denied the Baganda was their identity.


The Baganda remained restless and hollow for many
years. When the chance to fight Obote came in Luwero
Triangle, they did it with all their hearts. The fight
was really to regain the Buganda ethnic identity and
the institution that embodies it. The Acholi or any
other group are no exception. 

The Acholi ethnic construct exalts tribe above other
aspects of group identity. To the Acholi tribe is
priority. This explains the low levels of nationalism
and patriotism among the Acholi people. Such ethnic
identity structure poses severe limitations on the
Acholi to adjust to new political and other realities.


In fact, analyists say that the Acholi ethnic approach
to issues and their deficiency in nationalist trait
was why the Okello government failed to keep a
coalition of forces opposed to Obote. 

So, when Museveni marched into Kampala and toppled the
six-month Acholi-led government, the stage for the
conflict that is now 17 years old was set. The quest
to preserve Acholi identity began with Angelo Okello
of UPDA, who made peace with the government but died
after surrender. 

It was followed by Alice Lakwena who ran out of steam.
Joseph Kony took over and proved resilient. Some
Acholi say that even if Joseph Kony were to die or be
captured, some one else would rise in his stead. This
might sound strange, until one acknowledges that
Joseph Kony is, to a section of Acholi, a symbol of
Acholi resistance and bravery. 

That is why it is difficult for some Acholi
politicians to condemn Kony. And that’s the reason
Kony’s objective for fighting remains hazy. It cannot
easily be articulated because it has to do with an
identity crisis. “Talk to Kony” is what will be said
over and over by Acholi politicians, elite and
religious leaders. 

Government should consider helping the Acholi
re-discover their identity, that is the true road map
to peace in the north. How this can be done is another
subject. Guns are useless in solving conflicts of this
nature. If the northern war becomes an agenda on the
UN security council, that would be an embarrassment to
Uganda. 

The victory of the NRA in 1986 should have been
followed by a face-saving offer for the vanquished to
accept the new reality, that is where the NRM failed.
The Acholi were humiliated in many ways. It is as if
the response is: “Look! We are also men. To prove it,
sons of Acholi who took to the bush will fight and
fight.” It is immaterial to them that children are
abducted, women raped, civilians maimed or killed, as
long as a point is proved. 

Joe Nam 
Kampala 
New Vision 18-9-03




 


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LM

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