Ochestrated State Terrorism Intensifies


 

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DR Kizza Besigye
Kampala

The Secretary General of the UN, International Human Rights Organisations, and several distinguished world leaders have made strong statements of concern about the use of "anti-terrorism" campaigns by State governments to violet Fundamental Human Rights and Freedoms. The basis of this concern can be vividly demonstrated in Uganda.

Immediately after the September 11th terrorist attack in the US, Uganda was among the very first countries to enact a special law cited as The Anti-terrorism Act, 2002. The law was clearly a reincarnation of the notorious Public Order and Safety Act that was previously used to promote a state of terror in Uganda.

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On 22nd April, 2002, during a meeting with Parliament's select committee on election violence, President Museveni announced that I and the Reform Agenda had links with the LRA. What followed was a spate of arrests and political executions of Reform Agenda members and suspected supporters; accompanied by an intensive and sustained media campaign aimed at portraying RA and its leaders as terrorists. Many RA members and supporters fled into exile. Several military-security squads were deployed in Southern Africa to hunt me down.

Some of the people who were arrested are still in prisons without trial; while others were released by the Courts having been in detention with severe torture for over one year. No single person was ever convicted of any offence.

The real objective of the orchestrated "anti-terrorism" campaign was to criminalise and repress political opposition; curtail media freedom; justify the Government policy of regional aggression; and to seek the sympathy and support of the "Western" countries, especially the UK and US.

The effects of this campaign have been extensively reported on by both the Ugandan and international Human Rights organisations. The Uganda Human Rights Commission, Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International have all published detailed cases of monstrous Human Rights abuses. The plunder and horrendous war crimes committed in the DRC in the wake of Uganda's aggression have also been extensively documented.

Three out of the five countries neighbouring Uganda remain on its list of "hostile" countries. The offensive on media freedom saw the near annihilation of The Monitor, which was Uganda's only independent print media house. A number of private FM radio stations were similarly attacked.

A combination of international (donor) pressure and fierce internal wrangles within the NRM over President Museveni's intention to stay in power beyond 2006 had created some respite for the political "opposition". There were even half hearted attempts to engage the "opposition" into a dialogue process.

However, now the lines are clearly drawn again, with a section of the NRM leaders having resolutely crossed over to what the Government defines as the "enemy" territory. Those who publicly oppose President Museveni are invariably described as undisciplined, lacking vision and traitors.

By the time the dust within the NRM settled, the "dissidents" had joined hands with RA and a new political force the FDC had been born. A lot of effort has been unsuccessfully made by the NRM leaders to undermine the FDC and prevent its consolidation. The bizarre complications surrounding the FDC registration is just one manifestation of more intricate conspiracies. The FDC and its leadership must now brace themselves for another round of State terrorism.

A new wave of attack against me personally started months ago, when on 7th June 2004 an employee on my Kasangati farm, Hajat Aisha Nakiguli, was arrested by some CID and State House staff. Subsequently, her 12 year old son mysteriously disappeared from the farm. Following our application to Court for a writ of habeas corpus, she was brought to court by State House officials, where she denied being detained, and left with the same officials.

She has never reported back to the farm; though she is known to be still under the "protection and care" of State House. Information filtering out of the CID/ State House suggests that she was being induced to act as a witness in some yet unclear charges to be trumped-up. This saga was followed by the reappearance of Uganda security squads in South Africa, which have been trailing me since.

In August 2004, I was informed of the tribulations of the Lira District Speaker, Mr William Onyanga, who was harassed and blocked from travelling to South Africa on account of security officials suspecting him of an intention to meet me.

Following this, a Kampala newspaper associated with State security circles reported that the South African government had "banned Besigye from holding further meetings with FDC members who visit him in Johannesburg".

On 3rd October 2004, five FDC supporters were arrested in Rukungiri, three of whom were later charged with holding an illegal assembly. On 19th October 2004, a prominent Kampala businessman, Mr George Mugisha, was arrested. After detention in a "safe house", he was charged with Treason on the 22nd October 2004 and sent to Luzira Maximum Security prison. In the same week, two prominent Bushenyi "opposition" leaders (including an 80-year old former PM of Ankole) were also arrested and detained in a safe house. They were later released without being charged.

On 24th October 2004, the Government-owned New Vision newspaper carried a front-page story that "Sudan airlifted weapons in July 2004 to the DRC to arm a rebel group called People's Redemption Army (PRA)" based in DRC's Ituri region.

The source of this information was reported to be the SPLA. The New Vision further reported that "the UPDF says that the PRA, some of whom have been arrested and taken to court in Kampala, are linked to Reform Agenda leader, Col. Kizza Besigye". It may be recalled that it is nearly two years since the so-called PRA fighters were arrested from the DRC; and up to now, none of them has ever been tried.

Therefore, a new wave of State terrorism is underway. The objective of all these actions remains the same: to criminalise and repress political opposition; justify the Government policy of regional aggression; and to seek the sympathy and support of the "Western" countries, especially the UK and US.

It ought to be remembered that the New Vision story followed that of the semi-governmental Sudanese Media Center, which quoted Sudanese officials as "charging that the government of Uganda had shipped weapons across the border and into SPLA-controlled areas in southern Sudan last week".

It also follows a report that UN Secretary General has accused Uganda of violating the arms embargo imposed on the Democratic Republic of Congo rebel groups. This was the result of a 48-page report by the Embargo-Monitoring Group of Experts established under the Security Council resolution 1533(2004).

The report said Uganda still supports two Congolese armed groups; Forces of Armed Congolese (FAPC) of Commander Jerome Kakwavu and the Party for the Safeguard and Integrity of Congo (PUSIC) of Chief Kahwa. The study was conducted between April and July this year.

In another recent report, UN human rights experts have accused the UPDF and Congolese armed groups of "massive abuses". The 65-page confidential UN report was prepared by human rights and child welfare experts.

This and many other reports will be submitted to the International Criminal Court in the ongoing investigation into widespread rights abuses in Ituri.

Once again, I take this opportunity to inform the Government and people of Uganda that I, the Reform Agenda, or the FDC have no links whatsoever with terrorist organisations or acts. Regrettably, any credible and potent political opposition is treated by the NRM Government as an enemy of the State. It is this outlook to political opposition which will inevitably promote conflict and violence.

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I call upon all peace-loving Ugandans and the international community to use all possible avenues to deter the Government from the path of repression and abuse of authority.

God bless Uganda.


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