Folks, This is one of Dr. Ayittey's many emails. He is a capitalist without 
capital; I don't buy his view, as I am more of a BIG government ideologue. But 
I am sure you will enjoy his critique of African leaders and governments.     
Ocii  
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     Africa’s Development model goes Kaput      Every society that seeks to 
move from point A (state of under-development)  to point B (a developed)  on 
the development stage needs a working state or vehicle. Regardless of 
horsepower, shape, or color, a vehicle is an amalgamation of systems: ignition 
system, fuel system, electrical system, cooling system, transmission system, 
suspension system, brake system, as well as other systems. Each system is 
designed for a specific purpose and must be in good working condition for the 
vehicle to operate efficiently. When a system breaks down, it must be repaired 
promptly. Parts designed for one
 system cannot be used to repair another. Oil, a lubricant, cannot be used as a 
coolant in the radiator. Periodic maintenance and repair are imperative for 
optimal operating efficiency of each system.  In other words, you can’t neglect 
to put oil in the engine of a car and when the engine seizes up, claim that the 
vehicle colonialists bequeathed you was defective. Unfortunately, the word 
"maintenance” does not even exist in the official lexicon of African 
governments, who drive new systems into the ground and then abandon them.    
Institutions are to a state or society what systems are to a vehicle. A society 
has such institutions and systems as the military, the police and law 
enforcement, the political system, the economic system, the educational system, 
the judiciary system, the banking system, the civil service, and the media. 
Each institution has a specific function to play and should not be 
cross-matched with different functions. For example, the role of the military
 is to defend the territorial integrity of the nation and protect its citizens, 
while that of the judiciary is to enforce the rule of law and assure justice. 
Soldiers cannot be placed in civil judicial or political roles, because they 
are not trained for such roles. These institutions can also provide 
institutional checks against each other; for example, the police against the 
judiciary and verse versa.   Unfortunately in virtually all African countries, 
the development journey or process was turned completely upside-down. The tools 
of development were state controlled or owned. The institutions that were 
supposed to provide the checks and balances were debauched by the ruling 
vampire elites for self-aggrandizement. The elites turned politics or service 
in government as the arena for self-enrichment. To be rich in Africa, the 
elites head straight into politics or government, not the private sector. As 
government officials, their role is not to serve but to fleece the
 people. To achieve their objective of self-enrichment, they take over and 
subvert every key institution of government -- the civil service, judiciary, 
military, media, banking and even the educational system. These institutions 
become paralyzed. Meritocracy, rule of law, property rights, transparency and 
administrative capacity vanish. State-owned corporations and the national 
treasury are raided with impunity. With enormous powers accumulated in their 
hand by two defective systems they themselves established (the economic system 
of statism and the political system of sultanism), the elite bazongas (raiders 
of the public treasury) go scot-free. Where parliament exists, it is 
rubber-stamp and not likely to probe deeply into the collapse of a looted, 
state-owned corporation.   Other systems in the state (or development vehicle) 
are also perverted to dispense patronage. The civil service is packed with 
party hacks, cronies, and tribesmen. Eventually, it becomes bloated,
 inefficient, and riddled with corruption. The educational system produces 
functionally illiterate elites, who sing fawning praises to the “Big Man”. The 
judiciary system fails to uphold the rule of law because the judges themselves 
are crooks and the police highway bandits. The banking system is subject to 
manipulation by the ruling elite to siphon billions of dollars into overseas 
accounts. The media in most African countries was taken over soon after 
independence by the state and gagged or used as a propaganda mouthpiece for the 
ruling vagabonds. The remaining private newspapers were cowed into silence with 
criminal libel suits, assassinations, and onerous registration requirements. 
But the most discredited and perverted institution in Africa has been the 
military-cum-security forces, lacking even an elementary understanding of their 
basic function in society. Instead of protecting the people, security forces 
train their guns on them. As infrastructure crumbled in the
 post colonial period, the ruling elites sought medical attention abroad, sent 
their children to schools overseas and shopped in foreign capitals. And the 
people? They were left to eat grass or starve.   By the early 1980s, Africa’s 
development model (or the developmobile) had broken down with a host of 
agricultural crisis, foreign debt crisis, inflation, etc. Fiendishly clutching 
control was a reckless and unskilled megalomaniac who proclaimed himself 
"leader-for-life”.He had no idea how the country worked and viewed it as his 
personal property. He blamed any failure on the colonialists and surrounded 
himself with his cronies, tribesmen, mistresses, sycophants, and other 
patronage junkies. They, in turn, brought along their relatives, tribesmen, and 
friends. With all of these leeches and parasites mooching off the people, the 
system collapsed leaving a trail of crises in its wake    Thus debauched, the 
institutions and systems in Africa's states became dysfunctional and
 the “developmobile” kaput. Internal systems malfunctioned. The warlords in 
Congo, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Somalia and other African countries cared less 
about the condition of the state or the people. Rather, they battled 
ferociously to determine who should be in control. Not to be outdone, Africa's 
politicians and intellectuals argued furiously and endlessly over who would be 
a better leader: a Hausa, Yoruba, Tutsi, Hutu, Kikuyu, Muslim, or a professor. 
No one was talking about fixing the institutions or systems. What was the sense 
in arguing over who would be the "best” leader or whether a six-lane highway 
must be built when Africa’s "developmobile” was kaput?    Meanwhile, 
multilateral financial institutions, such as the World Bank, the IMF, Western 
governments and donor agencies trip over themselves to offer aid and 
conflicting advice. Initially, they preoccupied themselves with removing 
obstacles to development by building highways, bridges, dams, and schools to
 improve literacy rates, and sinking bore holes for drinking water, for example 
— a pointless since the state had broken down.   Subsequently, in the 1990s, 
they shifted their focus to fixing various parts of the state: Structural 
adjustment (economic reform) and democratization. But what the World Bank and 
the IMF failed to understand was that Africa’s state needed a complete 
overhaul, not just piece-meal reform.   Eventually, the vampire state and the 
coconut republic imploded. Groups excluded from the gravy train rose up in an 
insurgency to overthrow the ruling bandits, sucking the country into a vortex 
of carnage and mayhem. Burundi, Ivory Coast, Liberia, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, 
Somalia, and Zaire would all have been saved if their military despots, most of 
whom are dead anyway, were willing to relinquish or share political power and 
give their people a better shake.   In summary, Africa's developmobile is going 
nowhere because of institutional breakdown (dysfunctional
 systems) and the megalomaniac drivers, who have "gone bonkers”. Their 
development priorities are oriented toward self-aggrandizement and 
self-perpetuation in power. It is an African tragedy because no nation can 
develop when it is ruled by a phalanx of rabid bandits who stay in office 
forever. As George Soros, the billionaire financier, observed succinctly: "The 
main cause of misery and poverty in the world is bad government" (The Wall 
Street Journal (March 14, 2002; p.B1).   This development crisis situation 
confronts many African countries. It has three dimensions relating to the 
leader, the condition of the state apparatus, and the environment. It is 
important to recognize that fixing one without the other would make little 
difference to the development process. For example, changing the leader through 
democratic elections alone would not mean much if the government had broken 
down. The experience of several African countries in the 1990s is instructive 
at this
 juncture: Some leaders were merely changed without reforming their dilapidated 
systems/institutions: Zambia in 1991 (from Kenneth Kaunda to Frederick 
Chiluba); Liberia in 1996 (from Samuel Doe to Charles Taylor); Ivory Coast in 
1999 (from Konan Bedies to Robert Guie in 1999 and from Guie to Laurent Gbagbo 
in 2000); Nigeria in 1999 (from Abusallam Abubakar to Olusegun Obasanjo), and 
Kenya in 200 from Moi to Kibaki. Therefore, questions of accelerating 
development (becoming a developed state) must be deferred until the state 
system is fixed. We can argue forever whether this situation inherited from the 
colonialists was defective or not, but that would be pointless. But as Africans 
themselves often say, “We struggle hard to remove one cockroach from power but 
the next coconut-head comes to do the same thing.”   REFORM means fixing that 
broken dvelopmobile. But the vuling vampire elites are not interested. Period. 
Because they benefit from the rotten status quo. Under
 pressure from Western donors, they only undertake the bare minimum cosmetic 
reforms to keep aid follars flowing. Africans deride this as the "Babangida 
boogie" -- one step forward, three steps back, a flip and a side-kick to land 
on a fat Swiss Bank account. Much ado about nothing.   Ask them to cut bloated 
state bureaucracies or government spending and they will set up a “Ministry of 
Less Government Spending.”   Ask them to establish better systems of governance 
and they will set up a “Ministry of Good Governance” (Tanzania).   Ask them to 
curb corruption and they will set up an “Anti-Corruption Commission” with no 
teeth and then sack the Commissioner if he gets too close to the fat cats 
(Kenya).   Ask them to establish democracy and they will empanel a coterie of 
fawning sycophants to write the electoral rules, toss opposition leaders into 
jail, hold fraudulent elections and return themselves to power (Ivory Coast, 
Rwanda).   Ask them to place more reliance on the
 private sector and they will create a Ministry of Private Enterprise (Ghana).  
 Ask them to privatize inefficient state-owned enterprises and they will sell 
them off at fire-sale prices to their cronies (Uganda). Or ask them to move a 
foot and they will demand foreign aid in order to do so. In 2003, some 30,000 
ghost names were discovered on the payroll of the Ministry of Education, 
costing the government $1.2 million a month in salaries heisted by living 
workers. When Ghana demanded foreign aid to purge the payroll of these ghost 
names, Japan coughed up $5 million.   The reform process has stalled through 
vexatious chicanery, strong-arm tactics, willful deception, and vaunted 
acrobatics. Only 16 out of the 54 African countries are democratic and fewer 
than 8 African countries are “economic success stories.” Intellectual freedom 
remains in the Stalinist era: only 8 African countries have a free and 
independent media. But without genuine reform, more African countries will
 implode. Africa is stuck in a veritable conundrum.     George Ayittey, 
Washington, DC 

       
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