Posted by Dora Costa and Matthew Kahn, guest-blogging:
An Overview of Heroes and Cowards: The Social Face of War
http://volokh.com/archives/archive_2009_01_11-2009_01_17.shtml#1231745481


   The recent Bernard Madoff Ponzi scheme debacle highlights that social
   networks can impose costs. In a series of articles, the [1]New York
   Times has sketched how a group of insiders, mainly wealthy Jewish
   families from the New York region, sought to invest in Madoff�s
   investment fund. Trust in Madoff as a man may have reduced effort in
   conducting due diligence to investigate whether his returns were too
   good to be true.

   Social networks also offer large benefits. Successful executives and
   academics network constantly. How much of the returns to attending an
   Ivy League university are due to access to valuable social networks
   rather than what one learns from leading professors? An Ivy League
   graduate named Caroline Kennedy may soon be named the U.S Senator from
   New York. Her family and social connections appear to distinguish her
   from other ambitious professional politicians seeking the same senate
   seat such as Carolyn Maloney.

   The fundamental challenge for empirical social scientists who want to
   study the causes and consequences of social networks is to identify
   who is the same network and to collect data on important outcomes that
   could be plausibly affected by participating in a network. For the
   last seven years, we have focused on the causes and consequences of
   social networks in a distinctive setting: the U.S Civil War. 2009 is
   the 200th anniversary of Abraham Lincoln�s birth. What can we learn
   about social networks and social capital by studying the lives of
   enlisted men who fought for the Union Army?

   In our new Princeton University Press book, [2]Heroes and Cowards: The
   Social Face of War, we examine the war experience for Union Army
   soldiers. We weave a single narrative from the life histories of
   41,000 Union Army soldiers, diaries and letters, and government
   documents. Our core questions are not those typically asked in a
   military history. When are men willing to sacrifice for the common
   good? What are the benefits to men of friendship? How do communities
   deal with betrayal? And what are the costs and benefits of being in a
   diverse community?

   One summer we both read Robert Putnam's thought-provoking book Bowling
   Alone. We were fascinated by Putnam's account of the decline in
   American civic engagement over time. Putnam emphasized the growing
   popularity of television as a pivotal cause of the decline in social
   capital and community participation, but we wondered whether an
   unintended consequence of the rise of women working in the paid labor
   market was that PTAs and neighborhood associations lost their
   "volunteer army." We started to write a paper testing whether the rise
   in women's labor force participation explained the decline in
   residential community participation. To our surprise, we found little
   evidence supporting this claim. Instead, our analysis of long-run
   trends in volunteering, joining groups, and trust suggested that, all
   else equal, people who live in cities with more income inequality were
   less likely to be civically engaged. These results contributed to a
   growing literature in economics documenting the disturbing fact that
   people are less likely to be "good citizens" when they live in more
   [3]diverse communities.

   In the summer of 2001, we realized that the American Civil War
   provided the ideal "laboratory" for studying the costs and benefits of
   social networks. The setting was high stakes - roughly one out of
   every six Union Army soldiers died during the war. Unlike people in
   civilian life today, Union Army soldiers could not pick and choose
   their communities. For each of the 40,000 soldiers we observe key
   outcomes and choices. If a man deserts, if a man dies in a POW camp,
   if a man survives the war but chooses not to move back to his county
   of enlistment after the war, we observe each of these choices and
   outcomes. By studying how the probability of each of these outcomes
   varies as a function of individual solider attributes and the
   characteristics of the 100 men in his war community (his company), we
   quantify the role of social networks in a high stakes setting.

   In our next post we will discuss our unique data set and why it is so
   difficult to create such a data set today.

References

   1. http://www.nytimes.com/2008/12/13/nyregion/13madoff.html
   2. http://press.princeton.edu/titles/8734.html
   3. http://www.econ.ucla.edu/costa/costa.kahn.1.4pdf.pdf

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