Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875
4 - 10 October 2007
Issue No. 865

http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2007/865/sc1.htm

Sectarian strife has captured media attention in the wake of the US occupation 
of Iraq, becoming a regional concern amid plans to forge a "new Middle East". 
Does present Sunni-Shia conflict find its root in the annals of Islamic 
history, triggered now by instability and change, or is it the outcome of 
imperial agendas or the arrogance and ignorance of meddling foreign powers? 

Rift in history
Gamal Badawi* reviews the origin of the division between Sunni and Shia Islam 

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Muslims split into Sunnis and Shias because of a dispute over their rule 
following the death of the Prophet Muhammad, peace be upon him. On the same day 
as his death and before he was buried, the leaders of the muhajirin, those who 
had migrated with him from Mecca, and the ansar, his supporters in Medina, met 
in the gathering place of Beni Saida and devised the system of the caliphate to 
succeed the prophet in ruling the nation. Following thorough discussions, they 
selected Abu Bakr Al-Sadiq as the caliph, or successor, to the prophet. 

       Click to view caption 
      Illustration: Fathi 
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The system of the caliphate is one that was devised; it was not divinely 
revealed, nor was it decreed by the sunna, the prophetic tradition. The prophet 
did not appoint the individual who would succeed him, and did not specify the 
means by which a successor should be chosen. Only the fundamental basis of 
selection was determined, that being shura, or consultation, among Muslims to 
select their ruler.

It is on this point regarding political thought that there exists a dispute 
between the Shia sect and the Sunni masses. The Shia view rests upon narratives 
that say that the prophet bequeathed the caliphate to Ali Bin Abi Taleb during 
his final pilgrimage. Yet the companions of the prophet, the Shias claim, 
rejected this bequest and concealed it due to their resentment of the Hashemite 
family and its head, Ali Bin Abi Taleb.

Ali was late to the meeting because he was busy preparing the prophet's corpse 
for burial. Perhaps the companions' selection of Abu Bakr was a surprise to 
him, which might explain his failure to pledge allegiance to Abu Bakr. Early 
historians traced this neglect to another reason, however. This was Ali's 
solidarity with his wife Fatima in her dispute with Abu Bakr over her right to 
her father's inheritance. Yet this rift did not last for long -- following 
Fatima's death, Ali pledged allegiance to Abu Bakr and stood by his side as a 
supporter and trustworthy advisor. There is no evidence that he competed with 
Abu Bakr for rule in the caliphate. And if there had been a prophetic bequest 
of the caliphate to Ali, he would not have hesitated to declare so. Failure to 
speak up and demand his rights would have contradicted with Ali's ethics and 
the courage and initiative he was known for.

Ali's position regarding the caliphate of Abu Bakr was the same as that 
regarding Omar and Othman. Shia documentary sources such as nahj al-balagha 
(the way of eloquence) do not mention that Ali revealed a bequest to him when 
they were chosen as caliphs. When Omar included him in the shura council for 
the selection of the new caliph as Omar was dying, Ali did not argue against 
this on the basis of wording in the damm (rallying) speech of the prophet. 
Rather, he agreed to participate in the shura council, although he rejected the 
conditions it placed. Following the death of the caliph Othman, Ali accepted 
his own selection without referring to phrasing by the prophet decreeing him 
the caliph. 

Such phrasing did not even surface during the warring that broke out between 
Ali and Muawiya. Ali never relied upon any Quranic or prophetic text to justify 
his right to assume the caliphate. He rested only upon the Muslims having 
selected him, and this approach was also taken by his son Al-Hassan following 
Ali's death. The selection of each of them was made on the basis of the Muslim 
public pledging allegiance to them, an approach that the Sunnis still hold onto 
in contrast with the Shia approach of the imam assuming responsibility through 
inheritance and a bequest from the previous imam. 

The Sunnis argue that if the notion of a bequest and a statement were accurate, 
the companions would not have been able to conceal it without committing a 
grave sin. The Shias have not refrained from placing such an accusation on the 
companions, and in fact place the greatest blame on the "mother of the 
believers", Aisha, the prophet's wife, and her father, Abu Bakr Al-Sadiq, 
together with Omar Bin Al-Khattab. The Shias forget that the Quran is witness 
to their loyalty and integrity.

The idea of Shia sectarianism developed from a purely political starting point. 
It did not turn into an issue of belief until a later age when the intellectual 
arena became filled with currents the Shias found to be fertile means for 
spreading their ideas and attacking conceptual constants in Islam. The Shias 
then split into further sects, including the Imamis (the Twelvers), the Zaydis, 
and the Ismailis.

The massacres of Karbala, in which Al-Hussein Bin Ali was killed, were 
undoubtedly among the most heinous crimes committed in history. They led to the 
outbreak of Shia revolts and the formation of militias that attempted to wreck 
the foundations of the Umayyad, and then Abbasid, rule and to forcefully wrest 
power from it. Yet the swords of the Umayyads and Abbasids met them, and they 
fled far. In Morocco, the Ismaili Shias succeeded in establishing a Fatimid 
state that was transferred to Egypt and created an empire that defeated the 
Sunni Abbasid state. In the manner of the Ismailis, Shia statelets were 
established whose intellectual components drew from the esoteric batani 
current, which disguised itself in Islamic cloaks with the goal of destroying 
the Islamic state. 

The Shias thus became a doctrinal sect with philosophical fundaments different 
from those of Sunnis. Some tended towards excess and granted Ali divine 
characteristics and considered the imams infallible, placing them in a status 
that conflicts with the belief in the singular unity of God.

The gaping difference between Shias and Sunnis has widened; it is no longer 
merely a political dispute over rule but rather has sunk deep into doctrinal 
fundaments that are difficult to address through mere good intentions and 
feelings of love and fraternity. And yet despite this, the deep-rooted 
difference between Sunnis and Shias cannot serve as justification for the 
massacres unfolding between them in Iraq. The concept of citizenship can surely 
unite them, along with a deepening of the culture of pluralism and 
acknowledgement of the right of everyone to practice their beliefs without 
becoming a target of aggression.

The writer is former editor-in-chief of Al-Wafd newspaper


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