*--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- IBRAHIM ISA'S - SELECTED NEWS AND VIEWS, 26 JUNE 2008 ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Exhibits take on human rights struggle 'To make Indonesia a better place'. New 'Ambonese' identity may help keep peace * ------------------------------ --------------------------------------------------------- *Exhibits take on human rights struggle - The Jakarta Post*
Features - June 15, 2008 Margaret Agusta, Contributor, Jakarta If Indonesia's artists had their way, history would never repeat itself, at least not the chaotic chapters written across this archipelago in suffering and blood in the decades between 1950 and now. Yet, somehow, the headlines staring up at us over our breakfast coffee seem all too familiar, as if time has turned back on itself and is replaying the same, sad old stories of poverty, malnutrition, mismanagement of resources, shortages, corruption and blatant denial of human rights. The long queues for rice of the early 1960s have given way in 2008 to long lines of harried housewives anxiously waiting for the kerosene they need to cook the day's meals. The long-forgotten souls forcefully displaced for the construction of the Kedung Ombo dam toward and electrical installations the end of the 1980s are now being joined by the hundreds of Sidoarjo families driven from their homes by the flood of mud triggered by faulty oil and gas drilling procedures. And, most recently, the news of the deaths of 21 small children in Indonesia's eastern regions, while Indonesia's infant and maternal mortality rate remain higher than those of its Southeast Asian neighbors, echoes the situation faced by Indonesia's poor in the years immediately following independence and through to the late 1970s. While the current House of Representatives remains full of bickering politicians more concerned about jockeying for party advancement and cushy commission seats than about what is happening along the narrow alleys of the country's urban centers or the muddy paths of its most distant islands, and radical groups like FPI and JI continue to find enough leeway to suppress and terrorize those who do not follow their prescription for running the country. Not too much unlike the political situation existing from the 1950s through to the early 1960s, and leading up to the bloody disaster of the September 1965 coup. Only the faces and names have changed; the behavior reflects things long hidden from view; secrets long kept; stories long untold. In this context, the Semsar Siahaan exhibition at Cemara 6 Gallery, which ends today, and the exhibition of a group of rarely heard from artists scheduled to open at the National Gallery on Thursday, June 19, seem to take on a greater significance than any other art displays held in recent months. The holding and the content of both exhibitions speak clearly of not only of Indonesia's art history, but of its political polarization, social turmoil and struggle to find a solid footing in an ever- shifting global landscape. The "Liberation Art" of Semsar Siahaan, who worked intensely as both artist and human rights activists for two-and-a half decades before his death in 2005, has it roots in the social realism of artists like Djoko Pekik and Amrus Natalsya, whose works will be shown along with those of a number of artists who focus on social and political themes that are particularly relevant in the face of current events in the country. Perhaps the most interesting element of the coming Sanggar Bambu 2 exhibition, outside of the messages about the rights of human beings to enough to eat, to shelter, to access to education and a way to earn a living, as well as to freedom of speech, is the fact that the artists showing have lived through huge chunks of Indonesian art history, with some even being both players and pawns in the chess game of Indonesian politics and social upheaval. Amrus Natalsya, who primarily sculpts and carves reliefs from wood, and Djoko Pekik, who paints, in particular, have ample reason to relish the current atmosphere achieved through the long struggle for freedom of expression and human rights carried on by fellow artists for three decades and culminating in the Reformation Movement, which, since 1998, has set into place the democratic system and institutions that allow them the opportunity to show their works freely without censure or constraints. Djoko Pekik and Amrus Natalsya are among the many artists of the 1960s, who, because of their political affiliations (some worked under the auspices of the Indonesian Communist Party's cultural arm known as LEKRA) and stances on social issues, were harassed, imprisoned, exiled or even killed. From the mid 1960s through to 1998, when the exit from power of Soeharto (Indonesia's second president) neither Djoko nor Amrus could find a gallery or art space willing to display their works. Not that nobody cared, they simple did not dare show any sign of "fraternizing with the enemy" in the wake of the mass killings of leftists and others of "suspects" political leanings of late 1965 and through 1966, and the continuing detention and disappearances of the following three decades. Now, 10 years since the Reform Movement began the difficult task of trying to set right so many wrongs, Amrus Natalsya, Djoko Pekik and other artists, whose struggle to express themselves creatively has been exceedingly long and difficult, will be showing their works publicly in an exhibition sanctioned and facilitated by a state institution. So, just as one might be getting the feeling that history has gotten stuck in another cyclical mode, perhaps the very fact that two such powerful and important exhibitions are being held one after the other in both a private and a public venue, might serve to remind us of how much really has changed, and how vital it is for reformation to continue. --- *'To make Indonesia a better place'. * Putera Satria Sambijantoro, The Jakarta Post. Regarded as one of the best economics departments in Indonesia, I have discovered that studying economics at FEUI is not only about the knowledge, but also the inspiration and motivation from people who have dedicated their lives to Indonesia. During my first year at FEUI, I have attended the classes of Sri Mulyani Indrawati, Miranda Gultom and Dorodjatun Kuntjoro-Tjakti, and I see a resemblance between all three, in that they all apply their knowledge to make Indonesia a better place. The most remarkable moment for me was when Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati, taking time out of her busy schedule, lectured us on macroeconomics. Yes, it has been three months since she came into the classroom and gave a memorable lecture to about 40 first-year students, but what she said still reverberates in my mind. During the class, her comprehension and experience in economics nailed me and my friends to our seats. Beyond that, we were dazzled not only by her intelligence, but also her ability to inspire us with her motivating words. In a lecture that ran for more than three hours, she presented more than just economics knowledge. She taught us about nationalism; the gratification of being a servant of Indonesia and doing the utmost to surmount its problems. For her, helping Indonesia to overcome its numerous predicaments is a challenging yet welcome task. She portrayed it by telling us about her various experiences as finance minister, which impressed us enormously. Asked why she chose the path to be a minister, she said it was just one tangible form of her dedication and devotion to Indonesia. Being a mother of three and a minister at the same time is not easy, but she deems it a great honor. It is, she said, a call that has to be answered to fulfill her responsibility to the country. "When you are young, you study. Then collect wealth, as much as possible, until the age of 40. Afterward, dedicate yourself for several years to the country in which you were born. "After you have dedicated yourself to Indonesia, you will be relieved that you have already done something for your motherland and you can live your later life in serenity," she said. The most striking moment was when she addressed us young students as the ones who are responsible for the future of the country. Given the complexity of the various problems in Indonesia, her words made me realize that in the future it will be our duty, as students of economics, to apply our knowledge to help Indonesia grow in prosperity. The economics that I study at FEUI is not the science of greed; it is knowledge that can be applied to solve important social problems that Indonesia is dealing with at the moment. Perhaps it is true that most of the younger generations of Indonesians are ashamed of their country, but count me off that list. This is because in my first year at FEUI, I was taught that nationalism is defined simply as: what makes you allowed to criticize your country when you have never done anything for it? I share this feeling with other young Indonesians, so that we will have the willpower to roll up our sleeves and help Indonesia overcome its problems. Although Indonesia is gifted with wonderful land, diverse cultures and plentiful natural resources, the country is currently in a situation it is not supposed to be in. It is time for Indonesia to stand at the level where it belongs, and like Sri Mulyani Indrawati said, we hold the responsibility to make this a reality. ( Abridged) The writer is a student of University of Indonesia's School of Management ---------------------------------------------- *New 'Ambonese' identity may help keep peace * Ati Nurbaiti, The Jakarta Post, Ambon Strains of spirited hymns and the pop songs of Ambonese national legend Broery Pesolima fill the midnight air, while listeners across the road tap their feet and fingers. But no one is clapping -- the brass band is accompanying a Christian service of mourners on this rainy night. Almost 10 years after communal bloodshed erupted here, this scene, in what was a Muslim dominated area, is one of many hopeful signs the bad times can be left behind. "This wasn't possible before here," says a resident. After enjoying the music my host takes me to a packed diner nearby famed for coto Makassar, a hot meaty soup, only one of a wide range of culinary choices in the Spice Islands. There was a time when locally born Christians wanted the Makassar people of South Sulawesi kicked out with all the other immigrants, while Muslims wanted the Christians eliminated -- "even if we were formerly buddies often sharing one plate," said one former "jihadi". Ships brimming with terrified people leaving their homes plied the routes from Ambon back and forth, even when the migrants knew no one in their ancestral homes, having been born and bred in Maluku. If this had continued, it might have been the end of the delicious coto and many other dishes that town dwellers here grew up with. Shared past traumas have led people to drop the labels of "Christian" and "Muslim", or the overlapping references to natives or immigrants, leading to what many hope may be a stronger new collective identity. Now "people will instantly look around if anyone mentions 'Acang' and 'Obet'," says a resident, Nova Senduk. She's referring to the respective nicknames for Muslim and Christian males, Hasan and Robert, which in the years of the clashes became hate-symbols in a dangerously divided society. "We no longer say we're Christian or Muslim -- we're Ambonese," she says. Ambon remains the barometer for peace in the province, which is why officials are wary of the upcoming direct gubernatorial election. But they also share cautious confidence with residents, as the past few years have seen comparatively smooth direct elections for the Ambon mayor and several regents, and more local elections are scheduled. The only major problem was the North Maluku gubernatorial election in which Jakarta's intervention was far from firm, leading to squabbles among party supporters. The absence of a firm role by the central government to protect citizens during the years of violence led activists to accuse the central government of gross violations of human rights. Locals estimate that up to 50,000 people were killed across the province between January 1999 and 2002. Many families fled and settled in Jakarta and other towns. Of those who have not returned, people say one reason is their bad memories, another is the hostility of remaining local residents. Sociologist Toni Pariela says local officials "gloss over the importance of sensitive issues like traditional property rights". Lack of clear property boundaries remains a source of tension, which is occasionally expressed in terms of religious friction. Activists have tried to help revive the institution of kingship, the latupatty, so traditional leaders can help resolve local problems -- and keep them local. But their effectiveness might take time to restore. Experts say they lost authority under the New Order's monolithic bureaucratic rule. Some people are still contesting land disputes over trees, now gone, that used to delineate property boundaries. Similar problems have arisen in land claims related to villages that were burned to the ground in clashes. Toni shares the view that it was mainly popular support for moves toward peace that ended the violence. Others say that bringing the leaders of warring factions together, leading to the 2002 peace agreement, would not have been possible without Jusuf Kalla, who is now Vice President. While colonial rule is blamed for the early separate zoning of Muslim and Christian areas, the nature of its continued significance is more debatable. These distinctions nevertheless helped fuel the conflict. Even without public disclosure of detailed investigations into the causes of the clashes, residents say that they belatedly realized there was "outside provocation" . Sporadic violence still erupted after the 2002 peace deal. When shooting occurred during an annual celebration of the Free Maluku Movement, peace activists were filming the event, and snipers were later spotted in the background. Trials have only managed to bring to book minor players in these events. The documentary only repeated unanswered questions: who were these provocateurs, what was the guarantee that communal violence would never occur again and how could residents so easily forget centuries of what everyone thought was harmony? "I've no idea (what caused the clashes)," says Namanu A. Azis, echoing others. "We were always close to each other" regardless of faith, she says. "Suddenly everyone became tigers in an orgy of terror." Her house was among thousands reduced to ashes. Any perception of religious segregation "is all in the mind", says Toni, who led the Christian delegation to the town of Malino in Central Sulawesi, where the peace agreement was signed. The mind is where "people must break down the differences" . The people of Maluku must realize that their identity includes both Islam and Christianity, he said. "There cannot be one without the other," he said. Historians point to the introduction of both religions to the islands hundreds of years ago and the traditional inter-village ties of pela gandong. Locals and former residents recall how religious differences were irrelevant until 1999 -- "basically everyone just loved parties and being stylish even when they were poor", a journalist said with a laugh. Nowadays, it's increasingly evident that what people have in common is an urgent need for improved public services and delivered promises. Namanu, a Muslim, says her family has only received the initial part of promised funds for survivors to rebuild their razed homes, a complaint shared by many. So out of five pairs of candidates for governor, has she made a choice? "I'm not voting, I live in Surabaya now," she said on a flight from Ambon. Her nephews and nieces who were in elementary school in 1999 are still scared the clashes might recur, she said. People say they can't keep pushing the government to bring those responsible to trial. "If the government isn't serious people think we'll only have new problems with more rows about the past," said Zein Anwar, a radio and television talk show host in Ambon. With no adequate response to pressure to reveal the masterminds behind the clashes, people say it is now up to the central government to deal with, while the people just wants to move on. But without knowing what and who disrupted the beauty of the islands, fears of recurring violence remain. "At least leave us alone in peace" is the common attitude nowadays, says Toni. But Maluku's elite are also joining the political clamor for reformasi, with demands for new regions, which will bring either improved welfare -- or further struggles for power. New leaders will learn the nitty-gritty of delivering pledges to voters. Current Ambon Mayor MJ Papilaya earned recognition from the Partnership for Governance Reform in Indonesia, and is now serving his second term. To the anger of many he doesn't care about being politically correct and weighing the need for Muslim-Christian "balance" and "proportionality" in the bureaucracy, another journalist said. "He just picks the best people for the job." The above report was written following an invitation to a workshop on covering Maluku, held by the Forum of Maluku Women Journalists in Ambon from June 6-8. * * * [Non-text portions of this message have been removed]
