Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe's left-leaning politics, policy
positions and fitness to govern have come under scrutiny since he
recently informed his confidants in the ANC that he was ready to
challenge Jacob Zuma for the party's highest position in Mangaung at the
end of the year. 

Motlanthe remains an enigma and not much is known about him, his
ideological approach on issues, or his position on the democratisation
and socioeconomic transformation of South Africa.

Motlanthe, whose politics are rooted in the internal mass democratic
movement that challenged the powerful state during the last days of
apartheid, has so far not publicly announced his plans to challenge
Zuma. But his close allies have indicated that he will enter the race
when the ANC officially opens nominations by the branches in October.

The ANC Youth League is leading a campaign to replace Zuma with
Motlanthe and ANC secretary general Gwede Mantashe with Sports Minister
Fikile Mbalula. 

The anti-Zuma voices on the ANC national executive committee and
national working committee that are calling for leadership change
include the party's treasurer general, Mathews Phosa, NEC member Tony
Yengeni and Human Settlements Minister Tokyo Sexwale.

Motlanthe's supporters in the party argue that he should succeed Zuma
because he is worthy to hold the highest office, given his history as a
unifier and a strategist of note, and his being without equal in terms
of his ability to resolve conflict among warring factions in the
alliance.

But there have been controversies tainting his otherwise good reputation
both inside and outside the party.

Motlanthe has been closely associated with the ANC front company
Chancellor House, which the Mail & Guardian first exposed in 2006. He
has repeatedly insisted that the company will not do business with the
government, but it continues to benefit from its partnership with
Hitachi Power Africa, which won the contract from Eskom to supply
crucial components to the giant Medupi power station currently being
built. Critics point out not only the conflict of interest this
represents, but also the delays in the construction linked to Hitachi
Power. Chancellor House has also operated in regulated industries,
notably mining, where it may well be able to secure preferment from the
government without contracting directly with the state.

Motlanthe was central to the efforts to secure oil allocations from
Saddam Hussein for ANC donor Sandi Majali and has never fully answered
questions about his role in the apparent corruption surrounding the
United Nations' oil-for-food programme.

But his numerous supporters list a number of qualities they believe make
him the ideal person to lead South Africa beyond the Zuma years. They
say he is not a demagogue, populist or careerist and abhors anarchy,
unprincipled behaviour, patronage, palace politics and the factionalism
afflicting the party today.

According to ANC senior leader and former Mbombela mayor Lassy Chiwayo,
Motlanthe is one of the few leaders in the ANC today who can straddle
with ease all classes and sectors that constitute the broader movement.
Chiwayo worked with Motlanthe during the turbulence of the early 1990s. 

He said: "As ANC regional chair, he played an instrumental role in
bringing [together] the different strands of ANC members drawn from
returned exiles, political prisoners, underground operatives, mass
democratic movement structures, the trade union movement and
self-defence units, from which he commanded admiration, respect and
support."

Although influenced by leftist theories, Motlanthe's comrades say he is
not an outright leftist in the mould of Cosatu general secretary
Zwelinzima Vavi. One ANC leader close to the deputy president likened
him to Neil Kinnock, the former British Labour Party head who gave
Conservative Party leader Margaret Thatcher sleepless nights during her
reign.

"He is a product of the left and could be best described as a social
democrat," said Chiwayo. "He definitely sees transformation and
democratisation beyond the confines of capital."

Former ANC spokesperson Smuts Ngonyama, who worked closely with
Motlanthe while the latter was still ANC secretary general, described
him as sober, profound, a voracious reader and a deep thinker. 

"He is not someone who blows his own trumpet," said Ngonyama. "He is
always reluctant to push himself on issues. People ignore him because he
is modest.

"He does not put too much [of a] label on himself as a Marxist-Leninist
or something. He puts more effort [into] people."

Ngonyama believes that Motlanthe could fix the current crisis facing the
ANC as it enters its second century and faces the possibility of losing
power at some point in the future.

Many in the ANC and outside the party believe the disciplinary action
against ANC Youth League leaders would have been handled differently if
Motlanthe had been at the helm. It is understood that he favoured a
political solution to the youth league impasse rather than disciplinary
action.

Ngonyama, who defected to the Congress of the People after the recall of
former president Thabo Mbeki, said Motlanthe did not believe in the
politics of factionalism as the practice was destroying organisations.

"Even when we concluded the youth were [being] destructive, he would
insist we should give them time to speak," said Ngonyama. "He believes
in correcting issues before he takes action. He believes discipline
should not be punitive."

Matlala, who was chief negotiator for the National Union of Mineworkers
when Motlanthe was the union's general secretary in the early 1990s,
said he was a good listener. 

"This is why it is easy to associate with him, irrespective of your
cluster," said Matlala. "He remains ordinary when he is with the poor
and the rich."

Ngonyama said Motlanthe's leadership style had earned him a lot of
respect, even among opposition parties in Parliament. "This is because
he answers questions [from the opposition] not in a dismissive manner.
He is not a man of grandstanding."

Although Motlanthe appears to enjoy wide support, his detractors
question his lack of judgment in the Oilgate scandal, the Pamodzi
Investment Holdings' R12billion loans scandal and his role in the hoax
emails scandal.

Former director in the presidency Frank Chikane, who thinks highly of
Motlanthe, wrote in his book Eight Days in September: The Removal of
Thabo Mbeki that he had tried twice to warn Motlanthe that the emails
were false: "The language used in my name in official communications was
so outrageous that no one could ever believe them. In fact, the emails
were like cut-and-paste texts." 

Motlanthe's detractors say he upset a lot of ANC leaders after he
distributed copies of the email at an NEC meeting, giving them credence.

The involvement of his romantic partner, Gugu Mtshali, in a scandal --
after she allegedly solicited a R104-million "bribe" to obtain
government support for a South African company trying to clinch a
R2-billion sanctions-busting deal with Iran -- raised concerns about his
reputation as a man of integrity.

However, his supporters pointed out that he acted with integrity when he
immediately asked the office of the public protector to investigate any
wrongdoing in 
the deal.

Motlanthe's critics have also dismissed him as "inefficient, indecisive
and lacking a backbone".

An ANC leader, who spoke on condition of anonymity, told the M&G that
Motlanthe had not been the best ANC secretary general and accused him of
being responsible for the collapse of branches during his term in
office.

 

http://mg.co.za/article/2012-04-19-the-deepthinking-enigma-who-is-preten
der-to-throne

 

 


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