*2012 ANC National Policy Conference Discussion Document*
/Opening to discussion/
**
**
**
*Organisational Renewal*
/"...the ANC has to be a movement and party of the future. It is to
posterity that we dedicate the struggle for renewal, the struggle
against our own weaknesses."/
This general sentiment, taken from its Conclusion, at para *298*, is
broadly what motivates and drives the 69-page discussion document on
Organisational Renewal. It represents the fear that something is wrong
with the ANC, and that things are getting out of hand; therefore,
something must be done, or worse may occur.
"Organisational" in this title clearly refers to a noun -- the
organisation -- and not to the verb, to organise. Function is in danger
of disappearing, leaving a fetish. This is countered by reference in the
document to "the mass line", which is the greatest good to the greatest
number, and which also defines the universally-beneficent developmental
state that the document envisages in paras *262-266*.
To put it another way, what is _not_ primarily motivating the
Organisational Renewal document is the strategic task of extending mass
democratic organisation to all horizontal corners and to all vertical
layers of the country, in order to fulfil the National Democratic
Revolution (NDR). The essence of the NDR is precisely this extension of
democracy, as a goal in itself. But in the Organisational Renewal
document (see *249-255*), the mass democratic movement (MDM) is
represented, not as a product and aim of the liberation movement, but as
a support to the ANC, and to the ANC's pursuit of an ineffable "mass line".
The Organisational Renewal document only recognises the general task of
extending democracy insofar as it may be a means of sustaining the ANC.
It says:
/"We are called upon to build a resilient and transformative movement
that would not be dependent on state power for support among the
masses." [*296*]/
In this version, the ANC does not support the masses, but it wants
support from the masses. Instead of the ANC seeing the National
Democratic Revolution as a process of building democracy and mass
popular agency, it is concerned with:
/"...the ANC's capability to act truly as the strategic centre of power
organised along and effective in all the pillars of transformation.
Central to this is the need to structure the core organisation around
the pillars of the NDR and ensure we build capacity to carry out
fundamental transformation in each pillar." [*293a*]/
Thus, the NDR becomes a set of tick-boxes. It is a formula: 1,
non-racist +2, non-sexist +3, democratic + 4, prosperous.
The NDR as a means of developing revolutionary mass popular agency is
absent from this formula. Organisation as active formation of a
collective revolutionary Subject of History, capable of further
revolutionary change, is no longer the strategic goal.
Instead of creating mass popular agency, organisation becomes
objectified as a mechanism external to the people, which will "deliver"
and satisfy the pre-defined Maslow-like eclectic hierarchy of needs,
reduced to the four tick-boxes. Three negative tick-boxes then appear:
unemployment, poverty and inequality.
At paras *17, 27, 61, 63, 69, 247, 264, 293 and 299* there is mention of
this new and problematic "triple crisis" formula (unemployment, poverty
and inequality). In it the necessary concern with unemployment is
obscured and diluted by association with liberal equality and with
emotional, declaratory posturing on poverty. Equality and poverty are
not concerns. But the unique, strategic importance of employment as the
quantitative growth of the revolutionary working class, the class that
is of prime interest to the SACP is lost in this "triple-ing" slogan.
In this document, the ANC as the strategic centre of power will lead a
flotilla of social movements. Political education will serve and produce
this goal. Political education will be outcomes-based. The outcome will
be the pre-conceived "New Cadre" [*293c*].
Sometimes this sounds aggressive (*293f*):
/"...we are determined to enhance the ANC moral standing and image among
the masses of our people...we shall combine political education with
effective organisational measures and mechanism to promote integrity,
political discipline and ethical conduct and defeat the demon of
factionalism in the ranks of the ANC, Alliance and broad mass democratic
movement."/
*Out of hand?*
Are things getting out of hand? In para *29.2* the document describes
the present condition of the ANC:
/"...the political life of the organisation revolves around permanent
internal strife and factional battles for power. This is a silent
retreat from the mass line to palace politics of factionalism and
perpetual in-fighting. The internal strife revolves around contestation
for power and state resources, rather than differences on how to
implement the policies of the movement. This situation has shifted the
focus of the cadres and members of the movement away from societal
concerns and people's aspirations. These circumstances have produced a
new type of ANC leader and member who sees ill-discipline, divisions,
factionalism and in-fighting as normal practices and necessary forms of
political survival. Drastic measures and consistent action against these
negative tendencies are necessary to root out anarchy and decay."/
In para *45* it urges a move from inadequacy to mastery:
/"In this paper, the point is made that the ANC is nowhere near its
aspiration of becoming the strategic centre of power. Capacity is built
consciously, step by step until the forces for change are in a hegemonic
position in all centres of authority and influence. The ANC and
democratic movement have to renew their determination to transform South
Africa into a united and truly non-racial, non-sexist, prosperous
democracy. This will only happen if the ANC resist a drift away from
transformative politics. The ANC has to operate as a vanguard movement
with political, ideological and organisational capacity to direct the
state and give leadership to the motive forces in all spheres of
influence and pillars of our transformation project."/
In para *50* it returns to lamentation:
/"...the main weakness of the part of the democratic movement is that it
has not mastered the art of combining state power and mass power in
order to push the frontiers of fundamental change. For many formations
of the Alliance, mass democratic movement and erstwhile organs of
people's power, it is easier to adopt either an oppositional posture
against the democratic state than to build transformative partnerships.
For cadres of the movement who are deployed in the state, it is also
easier to adopt a bureaucratic or statist approach when dealing with
mass formations or social movements [and] to shut down rather than
engage critical voices."/
But in para *95* it becomes ambiguous:
/"The nature of the project being pursued by the ANC can only be carried
out by a transformative movement that uses its ruling position or status
to fundamentally transform political, social and economic institutions
and usher in new social and property relations that empow er the masses.
Mass mobilisation of society in general and the motive forces remains an
important element of both the movement and developmental state, albeit
in a transformative context."/
In para *96* it returns to a vision of mastery, but then stumbles:
/"What distinguishes a transformative movement or revolutionary party
from an ordinary electoral political party is the ability to wield state
power to fundamentally alter the power relations in any society. In
particular, to change power relations in favour of the previously
oppressed and exploited masses. Given the extent and depth of social
change pursued by the ANC as a national liberation movement, it is
logical that such a far-reaching transformation is only possible if it
is carried out by a movement or party with an aspiration to influence
and transform all aspects of society. This is essentially what it means
to be the strategic centre of power -- political, economic, social and
ideological power./*/What does this mean?/*/"/
See also the long para *97*, paras *252-255* (organisation of sectors),
seven references to the ANC as a "_vanguard_", and eight references to
"_the mass line_".
The problem with the ANC regarding itself as a "vanguard" is not that it
is usurping this function from the SACP. The problem is that unlike the
SACP, the ANC is unable to distinguish between itself and the masses.
The communists can say: The revolution must be made by the people, and
not by us, we are only the vanguard. But the ANC sees itself as both the
vanguard, and as the direct agent of history. It cannot, as the SACP
does, imagine any mass outside of itself that is different from and
greater than itself. Hence the agony expressed in para 50 (see above),
and in *252* the expression of a need /"to continuously organise various
sectors of society around our national programme for transformation."/
Instead of the vanguard as the professional revolutionary scout of the
line of march, this vanguard is a mother hen with chicks. The MDM is the
chicks, and looking after these chicks is then diminished from being
mass democracy to being "sectoral work".
*What is the ANC for?*
Other aspects of this document include Chapter 7, which is "Eye of the
Needle" business having to do with inner democracy, and Chapter 6, where
the ANC once again exhorts itself to do more political education. These
matters are derivative of the major problematic described above. They
are dependent on knowing what the ANC is for; what its purpose is. So we
must deal with the purpose, first.
In that regard, let us note that the "Organisational Renewal" document
is one half of the old "Strategy and Tactics", where the other half is
the new "Second Transition" document. This dilution is indicative of the
same weakness: lack of definition of the strategic goal.
*Finally*, note para *241*, where the ANC has failed to notice that the
SACP's wish for a "reconfigured alliance" is satisfied, and that this is
a different thing from COSATU's unsatisfied and unsatisfiable desire for
a "political centre" over and above the ANC.
*Contents of the "Organisational Renewal" Discussion Document:*
1. Introduction (1-14)
2. The Organisational Strengths and Weaknesses of the ANC in the
Post-1994 Period (15-33)
3. Lessons from our History on the Renewal and Redesign of the ANC (34-46)
4. Aspects of the Balance of Forces in 2012(47-85)
5. A Theoretical Perspective on the ANC as the Movement for
Transformation and the Strategic Centre of Power (86-103)
6. Building a Contingent of Conscious, Competent, Conscientious and
Disciplined Cadres (104-114)
7. Safeguarding the Core Values and Organisational Integrity of the ANC
(115-147)
8. The Organisational Design of the ANC (148-201)
9. The ANC and Information Communications Technology (202-228
10. The Financial Sustainability of the ANC (229-234)
11. Renewal of the Alliance and Sectoral Work Among the Motive Forces
(235-255)
12. Enhancing the Governing Capacity of the ANC (256-291)
13. A Decade-Long Programme of Action: 2012-2022 (292-293)
Conclusion (294-300)
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