Address by ANC SG-COSATU unions
and the state of collective bargaining
Gwede Mantashe, ANC
Secretary General,  12 march 2013
 
Collective Bargaining is a collective tool of
workers to engage a more organised and brutal partner, who owns the means of
production, the employer. Individual workers who have a contract of employment
with their employer are much weaker individually in dealing with employer. 
 
The relation between the two is always
characterised as being tense because one party want value for investment, which
is general known in the modern day world value for the shareholder. 
 
On the other side the worker wants to have a sense
that the value he/she receives for the labour he/she sells to the employer is
worth the effort. To counter the power of the employer workers organise
themselves into a union so that they can have a collective voice in engagement.
 
Unions are divided into two categories, sector
unions and general unions. Sector unions are focusing in specific sectors while
general union organise any worker who approaches them. Sector unions develop
specialised skills for the particular sector and that becomes a source of
strength. A general union is a jack of all trades but a specialist of nothing. 
 
This debate characterised the unity talks when
negotiations were underway, for the formation of COSATU. The decision was that
was taken and became one of the founding principles of the federation was that
sector unions will serve workers better, captured as “one industry, one union.” 
 
This principle was elucidated further by
emphasising the importance of solidarity among unions by forming the
federation, captured as “one country one federation”.
 The
federation must first confront the question of whether it is promoting its
founding principles. 
 
When there are more than one union in a sector
they compete and in the majority of times fight for membership and the right to
represent workers in the sector. 
 
During this competition the employer exploits the
divisions and even fund and resource the inter-union fights. 
 
When there are two COSATU unions in a sector the
situation is even worse because they share experiences in the federation and
use the same strategies to undermine each other. From where we are sitting the
federation is fast putting the founding principles in back banner with COSATU
unions fighting it out in the field. The ESKOM strike in Medupi is a case in
point where the NUM and NUMSA competed and fought over some principle issues
they should ordinarily agree on. 
 
When they disagreed they undermined each other and
therefore became weaker in dealing with the employers. The strike almost
fizzled out as a result with some settlement being found when the strike was
falling apart. The point is that our forebears in SACTU had the wisdom of
understanding that one sector one union was the way to go. 
 
Many COSATU unions compete in a number of sectors,
with the result that they weaken each other. Not much progress is made is
merging the federations into one federation in the country, with the effect of
undermining each other.
 
The second important principle for a union to be
strong is making preparations for collective bargaining mandatory. When a UNION
has prepared the articulation of issues becomes clearer and therefore contests
ideas in the public domain from a working class perspective. 
 
This is a function of the technical capacity each
union has. Worker control as a principle is an important principle, but it must
be underpinned by ongoing training of the leadership. 
 
This saves the leadership from being driven by
bureaucrats and being relegated into loud hailers of ideas that are neither
their own nor fully understood. Such leadership becomes nervous and aggressive
when engaged. 
 
This is what is called projection, intended to
keep everybody at bay so that what is not properly understood cannot be
discovered. There are strong signs of this developing, with leaders of unions
not relaxed when engaging. 
 
This is a sign of weakness in that it makes it
difficult to define the role of intellectuals in the trade union movement. 
 
This translates itself into either the intellectuals
pushing for being elected to leadership positions where they derive political
power or manipulate processes so that their views prevail. When this happens
leadership gets divided because others in the leadership collective will feel
isolated. When this feeling gets stronger the tendency to disown decisions that
they feel belong to some kind of an inner circle begin to take root. Signs of
this are beginning to show. From the distance the current public tensions have
all the signs of this manifestation. If the fight continues when the federation
is so under siege it will weaken its standing in society. It is the
manifestation of this weakness that projects general secretaries as the bosses
of unions and the federation and the presidents get relegated into second in
command weaken the principle worker control. This weakness is evident and is
growing, translating into tensions. In the extreme cases these tensions result
in unions splitting, with the split being led by either a general secretary or
the president of the union or federation. COSATU has many examples to learn
from.
Anarchy and rowdiness is fast taking root in the
collective bargaining, with COSATU unions being no exception. 
 
When every strike is characterised by destruction
of property and violence the federation must be worried because such behaviour
invites the state to be part of collective bargaining. 
 
Then we get derailed into discussing the brutality
of police and the issues at hand get lost. Police gets put in a difficult
situation in that when they act against this anarchy they get accused of
brutality and when they don’t act the state is projected as weak and allowing
lawlessness.
 
 It is the
prevalence of this kind of anarchy that makes South Africa to be ranked number
144 out 144 in the Global Competitiveness Index in the area of employer/
employee relations, despite the country being rated number 52 overall.
 
 This raises
questions about our collective bargaining dispensation and institutions like
NEDLAC. This was an interesting point for me in that in the 1990s we received
many delegations that wanted to learn from us as this federation was seen as a
trailblazer in collective bargaining, a status that we have since lost.
COSATU unions are the creatures of rules and
statutes. They get disorganised when the house rules disappear. New entrants
are better in dealing with lawlessness. 
 
The NUM in the platinum mines and FAWU in De
Doorns paid the price and still have to recover from doing away with house
rules being ignored and lawlessness taking over. 
 
As things develop today there will be no
bargaining dispensation to talk of in five years. In that situation COSATU
unions will be much weaker. 
 
The question is whether the response of our unions
will address these weaknesses, wherein COSATU unions walk around in borrowed
gowns by being rowdy themselves.
 
The experience among our staff members in general
and organisers in particular has deteriorated. When one listens to
spokespersons of unions and when one bumps into the young trade union
organisers one detects the deterioration of quality. 
 
As a result of this weakness leaders of the unions
do not only provide strategic leadership in public but get embroiled in the
mud- slinging which ideally should be left to spokespersons. In the majority of
COSATU unions there are no spokespersons to talk of because they are totally
absent in the public space and the battle of ideas.
 
My conclusion is that COSATU is in a dangerous
downward slope. Unions are under siege and less equipped to deal with the
difficult situations they face. Union are fast replacing solid organisation
with anarchy and therefore fast blunting this important tool of bargaining and
striking. The federation is not only divided but it is saying so itself and
thus weakening itself in the public eye. 
 
The ANC has recouped some lost ground in the
public since Mangaung, with some experience on how a divided organisation
becomes so weak. We are prepared to share the experience. We have some
experience on how leakage of information while a structure is in session serves
to weaken it. 
 
So far there is a big improvement in this regard
in the ANC but this tendency has migrated to the federation. If the trend is
not arrested you can only get weaker.
 
 My advice
is that a three months recruitment campaign will test the unions and give the
federation a sense as to whether it can recover soon. All other campaigns will
have no impact unless there is an organisation. 
 
COSATU must have some focus and not be all-over
and save itself from the decline. An attack on COSATU is an attack on the
congress movement. A weak COSATU is a weak congress movement.
 
The ANC must also own up that there are areas
where the ANC itself is weak and therefore have no capacity to help. 
 
Historically in such instances where unions are
stronger in the same area unions took a bigger responsibility for rebuilding
and strengthening the ANC. 
 
In such instances the effort has always been
recognised. 
 
There is however a growing worrying trend where
COSATU leaders are given a responsibility they do not see the importance of
accounting to ANC structures. 
 
This has the biggest potential of bedevilling
relations at that level.        

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