A Distant Clap of Thunder

 

Book issued to mark the Fortieth Anniversary of the 1946 Mine Strike
<http://www.anc.org.za/show.php?id=4727> 

 

A Salute by the South African Communist Party to South Africa's Black Mine
Workers


Published by the South African Communist Party, 1986

 

Part 2

 

 

Obstacles

 

 

Building a miners' trade union required the welding of this divided and
basically rural corps of men into a single united body, and to create that
unity out of a group of whom perhaps one in every ten left each month for
far-off places, to be replaced in turn by new recruits, totally without
industrial experience, strangers in that strangest of worlds - the
underground tunnels which led, on the surface, only to closed compound
encampments in a life apart from the rest of the country. It was like trying
to build a solid structure on shifting sands.

 

The second mountain to be faced was the Transvaal Chamber of Mines - the
employers' cartel. Here was concentrated the greatest single combine of
economic, industrial and financial power in the country. Though nominally
composed of a considerable number of different mining companies, it was in
essence a closely knit and tiny cartel of a handful - perhaps five really
separate - distinct mining 'groups'; each of these groups managed and
controlled a stable of subordinate companies through a heavily intertwined
network of interlocked finances and share-holdings, and incestuous
cross-relations through financial and technical exchanges and shared
directorships. What was in essence the tiny closed shop of a handful of
multi-millionaire monopoly corporations was the direct employer of the
largest body of black and white labour in any single South African industry
(308,000 black and 36,000 white). It was the heaviest contributor by way of
taxes and mining royalties to the state revenue (contributing £27, 500,000
in direct payments to the state), and to the gross national product (16% of
the total national income). It was the main supplier of foreign revenue
through gold exports (60% of the total), the largest single purchaser and
consumer of the country's agricultural and industrial products. It
controlled directly the operations and policies of a train of subsidiary
industries - coal, platinum and diamond mining - supply and service
industries, engineering, cement, newspapers publishing, breweries and many
more. It controlled directly the two organisations with a total monopoly to
the legal right to recruit black labour both inside South Africa and abroad
- the Native Recruiting Company (NRC) and the Witwatersrand Native Labour
Association (WNLA); and through them it controlled the labour contract
system, maintained a closely monitored wage control system, and suppressed
all competition for black mining labour. It was said in South Africa - with
good reason - that when the Chamber of Mines sneezed, the government caught
cold. Though it no longer entered directly into the political seats of power
- as its forerunners had done in the days of Cecil John Rhodes, Abe Bailey
and others - it remained the grey eminence behind the government, the true
economic power and the true arbiter of the nation's destiny. Some would call
it a 'state within the state' and others 'the reality of state' with the
government and administration representing the Chamber of Mines at politics.

 

Perhaps, in this context, there was a third consideration which must have
weighed on those who took on the task of organising the black miners - the
character of the Prime Minister Field Marshal Jan Christian Smuts. This grey
haired, goatee-bearded man enjoyed a reverence and respect in the world
outside which was somewhat different from that within South Africa -
especially within black and working class South Africa. To the world outside
he was the major Boer statesman who had been big enough to pass from
successful guerrilla commander against the British in the Boer War, to ally
and father figure of the British Empire - he was the deep and venerable
philosopher wrapped in the arcane mysteries of 'holism'. To South Africans,
on the other hand, he was remembered as the tough, relentless militarist who
had used martial law to crush the 1913 white miners' strike and deport its
leaders without trial; he was the imposer of martial law again in 1922, and
drowned the white miners' strike again in blood both in pitched military
assault and later on the gallows; and he had been the instigator of the
Bulhoek Massacre, in which 190 black men, women and children had been mown
down by troops in 1921 after they refused to leave some land to which they
had been guided by a prophetic religious visionary. That incident, Smuts
told Parliament, would teach every part of the population that '... the law
of the land will be carried out in the last resort as fearlessly against
black as against white'.

 

 

From: http://www.sacp.org.za/main.php?ID=2626

 

 

 

 

 

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