SACP with Red.png

 

South African Communist Party, Press Statement, 5 June 2016

 

 

Central Committee, 3-5 June 2016

 

 

Raising the Red Flag higher against venal conduct, defending our democratic
national sovereignty and advancing the second radical phase of the NDR

 

The South African Communist Party met in its regular quarterly Central
Committee in Johannesburg over the weekend of 3-5 June. The CC discussed at
length a political report from the secretariat. The CC was also addressed by
Minister of Finance, cde Pravin Gordhan on current global and domestic
economic challenges, while Deputy Minister of Cooperative Governance, cde
Andries Nel briefed the CC on government's Integrated Urban Development
Framework policy and implementation plan.

 

The CC reaffirmed the Party's firm commitment to ensuring an overwhelming
ANC-led alliance electoral victory in the August 3 local government
elections. The CC congratulated the ANC in Gauteng on mobilising a massive
80,000-plus electoral rally in Johannesburg on Saturday in the face of many
doubters and nay-sayers. The rally turn-out did not emerge from thin air. It
is testament to the consistent commitment of the ANC-led government in the
Gauteng province to engage actively with township protests, to listen to the
grievances and challenges facing working class communities, and, together
with these communities, to seek collective solutions. It is also testament
to the effective ANC, SACP, COSATU and SANCO working unity that has been a
hall-mark of the province over the recent past. The unity of our alliance is
essential for ensuring that local, metro governance in the economic hub of
South Africa does not fall into the hands of neo-liberal forces bent on
preserving apartheid-era privileges and segregations, now under the guise of
giving free rein to property speculation and unrestrained market forces.

 

We commend the important mobilising role played by SACP structures in the
province for this rally, and earlier the successful May Day rally. The CC
also noted the massive SACP-led march in eThekwini in late April, estimated
by the SAPS at over 100,000 strong. It is important that the momentum and
confidence built up through this mobilisation activity become the
springboard for intensive engagement in communities in Gauteng, KZN and
throughout South Africa to ensure ANC election victories in August. The ANC,
together with its Allies, must also use the post-election period to address
the many challenges thrown up in the run up to the elections

 

In the course of the election campaign we should not be in denial about the
many challenges facing workers, the urban and rural poor, and a broad
spectrum of middle strata, professionals, students and the youth in general.
Consistently, public opinion surveys underline that the two greatest
concerns advanced by the majority of South Africans are the unemployment
crisis and corruption.  While our persisting crisis-levels of unemployment
have many systemic underpinnings, there can be no doubt that corrupt
rent-seeking by a parasitic bourgeoisie and its political associates diverts
billions of rands out of the productive economy, thus contributing to
persisting unemployment, racial inequality and poverty.

 

The dangers and reality of corporate capture

 

This was the context in which the CC strongly supported the main theses
advanced by the secretariat's political report on the dangers of corporate
capture. The CC commended in particular our second national deputy general
secretary, cde Solly Mapaila, for his forthright condemnation of those, like
the Gupta family, involved in the most brazen forms of buying political
influence and of even directly seeking to usurp executive powers.

 

In its formal declaration, last year's Alliance Summit convened by the ANC,
noted chronic problems within some of our formations, involving "the use of
money to advance individual ambitions and factions based on patronage and
nepotism."  The declaration went on:

 

"This behaviour is also the entry-point for corporate capture and private
business interests outside of our formations to undermine organisational
processes."

 

We believe that it is misguided, therefore, for those in the ANC's
leadership who now seek to dismiss concern about corporate capture as if it
were just a marginal issue. We certainly agree that neither the ANC nor
government are corporately captured in their entirety. But the problem is
widespread, and threatens to become endemic. It is also misguided to believe
that raising this issue is a distraction from the ANC local election
campaign. In fact, it is only by addressing the challenges of parasitic
corporate capture head-on, without fear or favour, that we will reaffirm the
values of our liberation struggle, and begin to regain the respect of
millions of ANC supporters and South African citizens in general.

 

At the same time, we must not allow the struggle against parasitic corporate
capture to itself become factionalist, or simply oppositionist
grand-standing. And that is why the SACP, in raising a red flag against the
venal conduct of the Gupta family, has always insisted that they are not
alone in their parasitic behaviour. Equally, we reject with contempt the
claim that criticising the parasitic bourgeoisie amounts to support for
imperialism or established monopoly capital - as if the Guptas were the
ANC's strategic answer to the Ruperts and Oppenheimers!

 

It would be surprising if monopoly capital and imperialist circles were not
actively engaged in seeking to shape our unfolding South African reality.
The CC secretariat political report advances the thesis that imperialism's
preferred strategic agenda is less about regime change in South Africa, and
rather "neo-liberal regime perpetuation". In the words of the political
report, this is a strategic agenda:

 

"to preserve the elite pact features of the early 1990s settlement, bearing
in mind that these were never the complete reality of what was, in many
respects, an immensely progressive popular victory. The first choice for
imperialism is to preserve, defend and consolidate its not inconsiderable
influence over the ANC and government".

 

As one partial glimpse into this strategy, the CC noted the recent
revelation that a group of military officers from Britain's Royal College of
Defence Studies visited SA last year with the assignment to "assess the
political threats to continuing ANC rule in South Africa". The military
officers were required to "devise a medium term strategy, with concrete
deliverables, for the party to retain power at the next general election."  

 

The UK Ministry of Defence refused to divulge further information and
claimed (implausibly) that it was all simply an "academic exercise".
However, the military officers conducted intensive meetings with corporate
interests, including HSBC, the Johannesburg Stock Exchange, and Lonmin, the
British-owned platinum mining company operating in South Africa. These
revelations provide a small window into what is certainly a wider strategic
agenda.

 

To make sense of the complexities confronting the progressive movement in
South Africa it is useful to distinguish two broad camps within the
bourgeoisie:

 

.    South African (typically trans-nationalised) monopoly capital,
integrated into an imperialist agenda, together with the now relatively
established (and often compradorial) first generation BEE stratum; and

 

.    A parasitic bourgeoisie based on state capture in its most brazen forms
- seeking  to influence appointing and dis-appointing cabinet ministers,
capturing the boards of key parastatals, illegal expatriation of capital to
secret accounts in Dubai and elsewhere, tax evasion, money laundering, and
much more. All of this is based on the direct corruption of government and
party political officials.

 

Of course, it would be wrong to imagine that there is a water-tight
compartmentalization between these two broad camps within the bourgeoisie.
Established monopoly capital also indulges in illegal activities - see for
instance the collusive activity of the construction cartels, or
Multi-Choice's active involvement in corporate state capture. However, the
principal source of profit of established monopoly capital is through (of
course exploitative capitalist) economic activity, and not simple looting.

 

The cabinet re-shuffling events of December 2015 starkly exposed differences
in strategic interests between these two camps. The parasitic bourgeoisie's
rent-seeking greed clearly knows absolutely no bounds. They are quite
prepared to loot our economy into a Zimbabwean-style failed economic
scenario. There are suggestions that, with insider knowledge, some have
deliberately "shorted" the rand - that is, speculatively driven down the
rand's exchange value. They are clearly prepared to cut-and-run to Dubai
leaving behind the wreckage. This activity poses a threat to the livelihoods
of the great majority of South Africans, wiping out the value of pensions
and other savings, amongst other things.

 

Monopoly/imperialist capital is certainly not virtuous, but it has a vested
interest in not seeing the economy collapse, hence, for instance, the
British Army visit to SA - alarmed, no doubt, by EFF demagogic threats,
Marikana and AMCU, and, of course the wrecking-ball activities of the
Guptas. But monopoly/imperialist capital, while it does not want to see a
Zimbabwean-style economic collapse in South Africa, will also strenuously
resist any attempt at the progressive transformation of our political
economy along the lines of a second radical phase of our democratic
transition, aimed at overcoming our systemic and racialized crises of
unemployment, poverty, and inequality. It is for this reason that for the
British army officers (and the imperialist forces behind them) the strategic
agenda is not anti-ANC regime change, as such, but rather the elimination,
or at the very least, the substantial reduction of SACP, COSATU, progressive
ANC, and broader popular influence over the ANC and the state.

 

Unless we deal decisively with the parasitic bourgeoisie, our ability as a
democratic state and popular movement to confront our principal strategic
opponents (monopoly capital) will be eroded. If Treasury, the South African
Revenue Services, SAA, Denel, Eskom, and parts of the prosecutorial and
intelligence services are captured by parasitic interests working with the
worst security branch elements from the apartheid past, then we will lose
much of the strategic capacity not just to deal with the parasites, but to
drive a radical second phase of our democratic transition against the
strategic interests of monopoly capital and imperialism.

 

This is why the SACP over the past months has, correctly, played a leading
role from within the Alliance in exposing the Guptas (and other instruments
of parasitism) and in defending Treasury without simply becoming the
cheerleaders for factions of monopoly capital or their comprador BEE
associates.   

 

It is precisely this positioning by the SACP that has also prevented
monopoly capital from walking away with a clear-cut victory from the events
of December when the president was compelled to replace the newly appointed
Minister of Finance with a former Minister of Finance, cde Pravin Gordhan.
However, our support for Treasury must not be factional, or simply personal,
it must now be consolidated into assisting Treasury, including through mass
struggle, to play a constructive role in advancing a second radical phase of
the NDR. 

 

In our engagement with cde Pravin Gordhan over the weekend, these SACP
perspectives were candidly tabled. The CC, of course, congratulated cde
Gordhan for the leading role he has played in fending off parasitic activity
and for his central part in mobilizing a wide array of South Africans to
collectively ensure that Friday's Standard and Poor rating of SA did not
carry us into junk status territory. Whatever we might think of the ratings
agencies, junk status would have dire consequences for the majority of South
Africans. The SACP pledged to play an active role in supporting cde Gordhan
in this essentially patriotic struggle in defence of our democratic national
sovereignty.   

 

Appeal Court decision on set-top boxes

 

The CC noted and welcomed last week's Supreme Court of Appeal judgment that
the Department of Communication's policy decision in favour of unencrypted
TV set-top boxes "was made in an irrational and thus unlawful manner and is
inherently irrational as well." 

 

The SACP has consistently argued that obduracy in this matter flies in the
face of the ANC National General Council's own decisions, as well as the
ANC's Communication Commission. It is hard not to draw the conclusion that
this stubbornness has been directly influenced by Koos Bekker's Naspers
media empire, with Multichoice currently holding an extremely lucrative
monopoly on encrypted TV programming in South Africa. Persistence in trying
to drive through unencrypted set-top boxes in defiance of ANC policy has
delayed South Africa's digital migration and indirectly the roll-out of
digital migration. We have fallen far behind less developed countries in our
continent, including Rwanda, Kenya and Tanzania, all of which now have 100
percent coverage. Once more corporate and parasitic capture of parts of the
state is gravely undermining development in our country.

 

Also in the same media context, the CC emphasises the formal statement of
last year's ANC-led Alliance Summit which attributed the SABC's inability to
fulfil its public broadcaster mandate to:  "private corporate capture and
the virtual monopoly of pay-TV by a single company."  

 

The recent high-handed editorial decisions made irregularly and without
consultation by Hlaudi Motsoeneng and much to the embarrassment of SABC
journalists in the field are a case in point. 

 

Mine-workers' court victory

 

The SACP welcomes the decision of the High Court in Johannesburg to certify
a class action by mine-workers against gold mining companies in South
Africa. This landmark judgment paves the way for tens of thousands of
mine-workers and former mine-workers suffering from silicosis and TB to sue
mining companies for damages. This judgment follows the R500m settlements in
London for compensation of former Anglo American and Anglogold Ashanti
workers. Let us never forget that the accumulated wealth and present powers
of monopoly capital has been secured at a deadly cost for hundreds of
thousands of workers from throughout Southern Africa.

 

Muhammed Ali - farewell to the greatest

 

The SACP joins millions world-wide in bidding farewell to one of the
greatest sports-persons and personalities of modern times. Born into humble
beginnings, Muhammed Ali gave a voice and a sense of pride to the
downtrodden and to the racially oppressed world-wide. His brave stand in
refusing to be conscripted to fight an imperialist war in Vietnam was
exemplary. As a result, he lost two years of competition at the very height
of his boxing prowess. Here in South Africa, in the midst of the granite
years of apartheid, Ali's formidable example was very much part of the
revival of an anti-racist, anti-imperialist groundswell.

 

We dip our banners in honour of cde Mohammed Abdelaziz

 

The leader of the Polisario Front, cde Mohammed Abdelaziz, passed away on
Thursday last week. For many decades cde Abdelaziz has led the brave
struggle of the Saharawi people against the illegal Moroccan colonial
occupation of large parts of Western Sahara. Let us honour his memory by
intensifying our solidarity with the Polisario Front and the long-suffering
Saharawi people.

 

 

Issued by the Central Committee of the SACP

 

Contact:

Alex Mashilo, National Spokesperson, 082 920 0308

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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