Walker's World: Oil trumps sanctions
  By Martin Walker
  UPI Editor | February 14, 2005
  http://www.wpherald.com/Viewpoints/storyview.php?StoryID=20050214-
075903-3618r


European diplomacy is in a languid state that we might 
call post-Condi tristesse. The scent of her perfume has faded away, 
along with the delicious pleasure of having the new American 
secretary of state come to Paris to eat her own words: "forgive 
Russia, ignore Germany, punish France." 
     
    And now Europe has to look forward to the rather less beguiling 
visit of her boss, President George W. Bush, who will next week be 
hoping to collect a bankable return for the pleasure of her company. 
Bush wants money and NATO support for Iraq, and he wants a firm 
understanding that the Europeans will stand with him in the next 
phase of the looming crisis with Iran. 
     
    He will not get it, because the Europeans do not quite see what 
he is getting at. During her visit, Condoleezza Rice spoke of the 
next step being a report from the International Atomic Energy Agency 
to the United Nations, saying that Iran was in breach of its 
obligations under the Non-Proliferation Treaty. (At least Iran is 
still nominally observing the treaty; the North Koreans denounced 
the treaty, so its provisions -- and thus the threat of U.N. 
sanctions -- do not apply.) 
     
    But nobody in Europe thinks for one minute that U.N. sanctions 
are going to be applied against Iran. One veto in the Security 
Council is all that will be needed to prevent that. And since 
China's oil giant the Sinopec Group signed a $70 billion oil and 
natural gas deal with Iran last October, the prospect of China 
authorizing sanctions against its main energy supplier no longer 
looks remotely possible. 
     
    Under that deal, which locks China into a 30-year relationship 
with Iran, Sinopec will buy 250 million tons of liquefied natural 
gas and also develop the giant Yadavaran field. At the same time, 
Iran is committed to export 150,000 barrels per day of crude oil to 
China for 25 years at market prices once the Yadavaran field is 
commissioned. 
     
    In March last year, another Chinese firm, Zhuhai Zhenrong, 
announced a "preliminary agreement" to purchase $20 billion worth of 
Iranian liquefied natural gas over 25 years. Iran is already China's 
second biggest oil supplier after Saudi Arabia, selling some 30 
million tons in 2003, about 14 percent of China's total energy 
imports. But the relationship with Iran is far closer. Early last 
year, Sinopec drilled its first well in Iran's Zavareh-Kashan bloc, 
which it had been exploring since 2001. 
     
    Even if by some miracle of American diplomacy the Chinese could 
be persuaded to abstain, and allow sanctions against their big 
energy partner to proceed, the Russians might not want to do so. 
They, after all, built Iran's Busheir nuclear reactor. 
     
    And then there are the Europeans. The Europeans in general have 
good reason to want to reach a diplomatic agreement on Iran's 
nuclear ambitions. With almost 1,000 trillion cubic feet in natural 
gas, the world's second largest proven reserves after Russia, Iran 
looms large in European energy plans. Three years ago, Iran signed a 
$300 million agreement with Greece to extend the existing natural 
gas pipeline through Turkey for shipment to Europe through the 
Balkans (a memorandum of understanding was signed two years ago), or 
possibly via an undersea pipeline to Italy. And Austria's OMV group 
last year signed an MOU with the National Iranian Gas Export Co. on 
a proposed $4 billion "Nabucco" gas pipeline from Iran through 
Turkey to Austria. 
     
    Moreover, the separate deals signed by France's Total and Elf-
Aquitaine companies on the Sirri, Doroud, Balal and giant Bangestan 
fields are still in force now that France has combined them with 
Petrofina into one of the world's Big Five oil giants. And although 
Bangestan is shared with Britain's BP and Dalal is shared with 
Italy's ENI, that means very influential voices in Rome and London 
will be warning against any foolish talks of sanctions. 
     
    The fact is, as Vladimir Putin in the Kremlin has also realized, 
that when the oil price approaches $50 a barrel, then the people who 
own the oil suddenly weild a great deal more clout and find they 
have many more friends in the corridors of power than they do when 
it costs less than $20 a barrel. One might have expected George W. 
Bush, as a Texan and former oil man, to appreciate this rather 
fundamental fact of life. 
     
    Bush's old chums in Houston can hardly be indifferent to the 
intriguing developments now under way in the Asian energy markets. 
Certainly the Europeans are keenly interested. A month ago, on Jan. 
6, India's Petroleum Minister Mani Shankar Aiyar hosted a meeting 
with his counterparts, the ministers from China, Japan, and South 
Korea -- as well as eight OPEC producers -- to propose a 
new "Organization for Oil Importing Countries." The goal is to 
avoid "the unpredictable effects of competition" and organize a 
secure and stable energy supply, on what seems to be an unstated 
principle of Asian energy for the Asians. 
     
    For India, this could have the welcome effect of taking the 
strategic heat off the current rivalry that is gripping Asia's two 
potential giants over their energy supplies. China feels dangerously 
vulnerable to India's potential stranglehold over its energy 
supplies, whether transported by tankers that must cross the Indian 
Ocean from the Persian Gulf, or through the 6,000-kilometer pipeline 
from central Asia to China's coastal cities. An amicable agreement 
between China, India and Japan to carve up Central Asian and Gulf 
energy supplies makes sense -- so long as there is enough left over 
for the Europeans and Americans. 
     
    The template deal is already under way, under which India and 
Pakistan (who came close to nuclear war just three years ago) have 
agreed to cooperate on a pipeline to bring Iran oil through Pakistan 
to India. 
     
    There are two striking implications to be drawn from all this. 
First, that whatever else Iran wants from its nuclear development 
program, it can hardly be energy. The country is awash in the stuff. 
The second is that Iran's oil and gas might be just as potent a 
deterrent as a nuclear weapon. 
     
    While the Bush administration has been pursuing its grand 
distractions in Iraq, the Iranians have astutely built up a vast and 
lucrative web of customers, partners and co-developers of their oil 
and gas, which means that at least one and probably two vetoes would 
oppose any U.N. sanctions, and that several NATO members, including 
Turkey, Italy, Greece and France, would be most unlikely to support 
any kind of NATO sanctions or threats. 
     
    All the charms and diplomatic blandishments of Condi Rice, and 
all the Texan bonhomie of President Bush, will not change those hard 
realities. Money talks. And at over $40 a barrel, oil does more than 
talk; it shouts very loud indeed.









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