The G8's African challenge
  Help for Africa will be high on the agenda of the G8 summit in 
Gleneagles this week. But it is not clear that debt relief, or even 
substantially increased aid flows, will be enough to produce success 
where so many previous development efforts have failed

  The Economist | Jul 4th 2005
  For graphs and illustrations please visit:
  http://www.economist.com/agenda/PrinterFriendly.cfm?
Story_ID=A26793 

  "THE poor you will always have with you," said Jesus. Few observers 
of global development policy would disagree. For decades, the 
international aid community has tried and tried again to find a way 
to lift the world's poor out of destitution. And yet, innumerable aid 
programmes and billions of dollars later, the World Bank estimates 
that 2.8 billion people—more than half the population of the 
developing world—still live on less than $2 a day. Almost half that 
number live on less than $1.

Tony Blair would like to change that. Late last year, the British 
prime minister announced that he would make poverty reduction in 
Africa and tackling climate change the twin priorities of Britain's 
year-long presidency of the Group of Eight (seven rich countries plus 
Russia). In preparation for the G8 summit to be held this week in 
Gleneagles, Scotland, he has been assiduously pushing his fellow 
leaders to embrace a combination of debt relief and increased aid 
flows to Africa, which he hopes to have sewn up into a neat package 
at the end of the conference. He also hopes to be able to announce an 
agreement that goes some way to recognising the science behind global 
warming—though it is not clear that the gap between America, which 
has refused to ratify the Kyoto treaty, and other G8 members can be 
bridged in time.

On poverty reduction, Mr Blair has already had some success. Last 
month, at a meeting of G8 finance ministers in London, a deal was 
hammered out to forgive the debt of 18 nations, many of them in 
Africa. Other nations may qualify if they meet good-governance 
targets. For the celebrities and non-governmental organisations that 
have long harangued the rich world to forgive the unpayable debts of 
poor countries, this is a big victory.

But by itself, debt relief will not solve the problems of the third 
world. Though the G8 deal will forgive over $40 billion of debt, this 
translates into only about $1 billion a year for sub-Saharan Africa, 
because the loans are heavily subsidised. This is but a tiny fraction 
of aid flows. And countries left out of the deal—because, like Kenya, 
they are not "heavily indebted", or like Nigeria, are deemed too well-
off to qualify—still have remarkably low standards of living. Oil-
rich Nigeria's per-capita income is less than $500 a year.

Recognising this, Mr Blair's Commission for Africa has called for an 
increase in aid flows to the troubled continent of $25 billion a year 
by 2010. America, the European Union, Canada and Japan have all 
promised to double their aid budgets for Africa within that 
timeframe. Germany, which had been grousing that this was a bad idea, 
shifted its position on Monday July 4th, making a similar pledge—
though it also pointed out that its budgetary problems would make 
finding the money difficult. A raft of demonstrations and concerts, 
organised by Bob Geldof, is meant to put pressure on world leaders to 
reach a generous deal this week. The 53-nation African Union, meeting 
in Libya, is expected to call for the continent's debts to be wiped 
out.



But does it do any good?
Nevertheless, some continue to think that the focus on Africa is 
misguided. Last week David Dodge, the governor of the Bank of Canada, 
told the Financial Times that the G8 should be addressing the 
gigantic economic imbalances that are threatening the current burst 
of global prosperity, rather than concentrating on aid to Africa. He 
has a point. In recent years, the world has grown far too dependent 
on American consumer demand to support export-linked growth in other 
countries—and the American consumer has grown far too dependent on 
cheap money to fuel spending, much of it lent by Asian central banks 
trying to keep their currencies artificially cheap in order to 
stimulate exports. This is clearly unsustainable. If the central 
banks, or consumers, suddenly decide to retrench, many worry the 
result could be a "hard landing" for the American economy—which would 
fall even harder on poor countries' export industries than on 
Americans.

This is not quite as hard-hearted as it sounds. Many people question 
whether aid does much to help its intended recipients; some even 
argue that it has a negative effect on growth and poverty reduction. 
In a new paper from the International Monetary Fund, Raghuram Rajan 
and Arvind Subramanian try to assess these claims. After controlling 
for a number of factors, such as the type and duration of assistance, 
they find that aid does little to either promote or hinder economic 
growth. This provides little incentive to pour massive new sums into 
poor countries.

This emphasis on economic growth is important, for the evidence 
suggests that growth is by far the most effective way of alleviating 
poverty in the developing world. With growth comes rising incomes, 
with which the poor can buy adequate food, medical care and clothing. 
It also brings tax revenues that can be spent on public goods like 
clean water and decent schools.

A new report by the World Bank confirms this view. In a study of 
growth and poverty in 14 developing countries, the authors found that 
poverty dropped in the 11 countries that experienced substantial 
growth, and rose in the three that saw little or no growth. Moreover, 
the countries that had higher rates of growth tended to have sharper 
drops in the poverty rate (see chart above).

If growth works, and aid does little to help, what are rich countries 
to do about their needy brethren abroad? Many—including The Economist 
and Messrs Rajan and Subramanian—think the answer is trade. Gordon 
Brown, Britain's finance minister, seems to think they have a point. 
Now that progress has been made on securing promises from rich 
countries on aid and debt relief, Mr Brown has gone on the offensive 
against rich-world agricultural subsidies, which put farmers in poor 
countries at a disadvantage. Since poverty in the developing world 
tends to be highest in rural areas, giving those countries' farmers 
access to the lucrative agricultural markets of richer nations would 
ease the suffering of the world's poor.

Better government policies in the third world would also make a 
difference. Critics of aid have long pointed out that corrupt or 
incompetent governments will waste any hand-outs they are given—
indeed, by providing funds that such governments can use to maintain 
their hold on power, aid donors can even make things worse.

Givers of aid have (so far fruitlessly) sought ways to keep recipient 
governments on the straight and narrow. But even well-meaning 
governments need a helping hand in figuring out ways to maximise the 
poverty-fighting potential of economic growth. The World Bank report 
suggests that while growth alone is good, policies like trade 
liberalisation, as well as things like improving infrastructure and 
access to capital, can greatly boost the speed at which the lives of 
the poor improve.






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