Asian govts must join forces on infrastructure

They have neglected this precondition of regional integration and prosperity 
for far too long


By ANTHONY ROWLEY 
TOKYO CORRESPONDENT 


 

http://business-times.asia1.com.sg/sub/views/story/0,4574,162202,00.html?

TWO contrasting faces of East Asia are presented nowadays, on the one hand by 
official efforts to promote regional economic integration and on the other by 
disputes involving Japan, China and others over territorial and historical 
issues. These two faces present an image of a region that is at odds with 
itself. 



The reality is that an interlocking web of production networks spreading across 
the region has already created a kind of virtual Asian economic community. 

It is not only politicians who need to come to terms with this new economic 
reality, the extent of which is revealed in the latest White Paper on 
International Economy and Trade published by Japan's Ministry of Economy, Trade 
and Industry (Meti).

As Japan's former vice-finance minister for international affairs Eisuke 
Sakakibara says, those who see Asian exchange rates as being at the root of 
global financial imbalances have also failed to grasp what is going on. 

Unnoticed by many policy makers, it seems, the postwar model of a series of 
East Asian nations exporting individually to the markets of the West has given 
way to one where, as the White Paper says, 'an international division of labour 
is taking place through a closely-knit intra-regional network, with 
participants meeting domestic final demand and generating exports on top of 
that'. 

The elegance of this design is remarkable despite (or perhaps because of) the 
fact that it is not a product of conscious planning by officialdom.

Not only have companies managed to create a cross-border division of labour 
within East Asia - one that avoids industrial trade conflicts between countries 
of the region - but also what Meti calls a 'triangular trade' arrangement has 
risen that accommodates trade between East Asia and the rest of the world. 

'Parts and processed goods produced by Japan and the newly industrialised 
economies (NIEs) - South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore - are being 
imported as intermediate inputs by China and the Asean nations, which then 
assemble them into finished goods for final consuming markets in the United 
States and Europe'. 

This model, adds Meti, is becoming 'increasingly sophisticated' as it evolves. 

In an ideal world, national governments in East Asia would not only have 
recognised the degree of economic interdependence which has developed almost 
unseen within the region; they would also be consciously aiding the process. 
For example, the White Paper notes, 'the European Union created the Cohesion 
Fund as a fiscal initiative to build up infrastructure that would allow member 
countries to adjust to the intensified competition caused by economic 
integration'. 

Not so in East Asia.

Aside from a commendable effort by the Asian Development Bank (ADB) to promote 
cross-border cooperation on infrastructure in the Mekong sub-region and 
elsewhere, governments in this region have failed to grasp the need for 
improving transport, communications and other infrastructure links needed to 
underpin the silent new industrial revolution that is taking place across 
national borders. 

This is symbolic of a wider problem in East Asia that has arisen from the fact 
that, as the Meti White Paper shows, business is proving to be far more 
fleet-footed in promoting regional economic integration than have politicians 
and government officials.

There are as yet no institutions to build on the foundations for economic 
cooperation, whether it be in cross-border infrastructure facilities, trade and 
customs cooperation or in monetary affairs. 

The ADB and Apec, along with organs such as the Asean secretariat in Jakarta, 
do their best in this direction but the situation in East Asia is the reverse 
of that in Europe, where special institutions were created at the outset to 
smooth and speed the process of economic integration. The progress achieved 
thus far in this region has been despite, rather than because of, official 
initiatives.

But Meti suggests that it is time now for Asian governments to devote official 
aid to areas such as cross-border infrastructure cooperation. 

East Asian governments are guilty of sins of commission as well as omission so 
far as the integration process is concerned. Not only have they failed to 
provide an institutional underpinning but in the case of Japan and China 
especially, they are allowing nationalism to threaten the economic as well as 
diplomatic relationship between them.

In this regard, Meti allows itself to fall into the same trap in its White 
Paper. It devotes what seems to be a disproportionate amount of time to warning 
Japanese businessmen that 'they must not allow themselves to be dazzled by 
impressive growth figures' in China.

In what appears to be a gesture in the direction of the current rather hostile 
mood in Japan towards China, Meti set out a litany of warnings about potential 
problems in the Chinese economy, ranging from unemployment and social security 
issues to energy shortages and urban/rural imbalances plus a host of others. 

Meti also acknowledges, however, that Japan has its own problems which could 
damage its position as the technological leader in an economically integrating 
East Asian region.

As Japan's population begins to decline from 2006, 'shortages of labour and 
capital could develop' in Japan, says Meti.

'Under these circumstances, it is important for Japan to adopt an economic 
strategy that includes the pursuit of economic partnership agreements as a 
means of plugging into the vitality of an increasingly interdependent East 
Asian economy.' 

For the region as a whole, one problem to be heeded is that investment rates 
are still falling in the wake of the trauma caused to financial systems by the 
1997 Asian financial crisis, Meti says. 

An even bigger threat, however, as Mr Sakakibara suggested recently, is that 
China could be forced to revalue its exchange rate - forcing other Asian 
currencies up in the process - in an effort to blunt the competitiveness of 
Asian economies that under the new regional order draw strength from 
cross-border production networks rather than from undervalued currencies.










                
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