Don't blame the savers 
  Some economists argue that the imbalances in the world economy can 
be blamed, in part, on a glut of savings from developing countries 
gushing into American assets. New reports from the IMF and the World 
Bank say the problem lies elsewhere

  The Economist | Sep 16th 2005 
  For graphics and tables please visit:
  http://www.economist.com/agenda/displaystory.cfm 
story_id=D00014&fsrc==nwl

American conservatives are fond of prescribing personal 
responsibility as a cure for the financial ills of the poor. There is 
a certain amount of pleasure, therefore, in seeing America's fiscal 
profligacy chided for contributing to the imbalances that currently 
threaten the health of the world economy. That is precisely the 
verdict of the newly released chapter on savings and investment in 
the International Monetary Fund's World Economic Outlook. The 
document highlights the danger posed by the world economy's heavy 
dependence on ravenous American consumers to snap up exports from the 
rest of the world.

To be sure, it is hard to be too gloomy. Though Europe has been 
sluggish and the global economy hasn't quite lived up to last year's 
lively pace of growth, world GDP is still growing at an above-average 
clip. Even Japan, stuck in an economic quagmire for the past decade, 
has begun looking perky.

But dark clouds have been gathering on the horizon for some time. 
Emerging-market economies, particularly in Asia, are running high 
current-account surpluses, keeping their economic fires stoked with a 
steady stream of exports, especially to America. In mirror image, 
America's current-account deficits have soared past 5% of GDP. 
Household savings have dwindled to negligible levels as Americans 
have run down assets and taken on debt to keep the spending binge 
going. Yet if the American consumer falters, as things stand now, the 
rest of the world will tumble too.

Moreover, economists are increasingly worried that America's economic 
health (and by extension the world's) rests on a housing market that 
looks decidedly bubbly. When the bubble bursts, they fear, the whole 
thing could come crashing down.

But if economists are agreed that America's debt levels are 
dangerous, they cannot agree on whom to blame. Economists with little 
time for the Bush administration point the finger at the government's 
profligate budget deficits—predicted to be roughly $330 billion in 
2005—which run down national savings. The administration's supporters 
prefer to point to spendthrift consumers and the frothy housing 
market, and argue that a "global savings glut" is pouring excess 
capital from abroad, particularly Asia, into America's financial 
markets. This, they say, is why long-term interest rates have 
remained low even as the Federal Reserve has progressively tightened 
monetary policy. 

America is not the only country where savings have fallen. Worldwide 
savings began declining in the late 1990s, hitting bottom in 2002. 
They have recovered only modestly since then. The drop is mainly due 
to industrial countries, where savings and investment have been on a 
downward trend since the 1970s, thanks to a sharp decline in personal 
savings that an increase in corporate savings failed to offset. 
Savings in emerging markets and oil-producing countries have risen 
over that period, but not enough to reverse the trend.

So why the sudden talk of a savings glut? And even if there is a 
surplus, why is it flowing the "wrong way"—from the developing world, 
where returns on capital should be higher, to more mature economies 
like America?

The IMF report offers an explanation. What the world is suffering 
from is not so much a savings glut as an investment deficit, in both 
rich and poor countries. In emerging markets and oil-exporting 
nations, still feeling the lingering effects of the Asian financial 
crisis of 1997-98, demand for capital has failed to keep up with 
supply. Scrimping consumers have instead sent their money to the 
West. 

The IMF's figures suggest that this is not as irrational as it seems. 
Though in theory returns on capital should be much higher in the 
developing world, where economies remain labour-intensive, in 
practice the story is more complicated. Emerging markets saw a return 
on aggregate capital of 13.3% over the 1994-2003 period, compared 
with 7.8% in the G7 group of industrialised nations. But investments 
in emerging markets are riskier, because their economies tend to be 
more volatile and their institutions weaker.

Moreover, the return on aggregate capital may not be a good guide to 
the returns that investors can actually expect. Growth could be 
concentrated in smaller firms that are harder to invest in, for 
instance, or the data could be unreliable. Indeed, the IMF's analysis 
suggests that the internal rate of return on invested capital in 
publicly traded firms in emerging markets has been very poor over the 
past decade, even before currency risk is taken into account.

But investment has fallen in the rich world too: the rivers of 
capital have flowed not directly into businesses but into markets for 
consumer and government credit, where they are presumably doing 
little to increase the recipient economy's ability to repay the loans 
in the future. That means consumer retrenchment when interest rates 
rise or the bills come due, which will hurt emerging markets if they 
do not work harder to generate domestic demand, instead of relying on 
exports for growth.

A better way to crunch the numbers

So what is the cure? Lower savings rates in emerging markets? That 
would be a disaster, according to a new report from the World 
Bank, "Where is the Wealth of Nations?". Many developing countries, 
says the Bank, are already saving too little, if you do the figures 
right.

Traditionally, national saving is calculated as simply national 
income minus consumption. But this, the Bank argues, ignores 
important underlying changes in the productive capacity of the 
society. Should education, for example, be counted as consumption, or 
as an investment in human capital that will enable the nation to 
produce more in future years? On the flip side, every dollar earned 
by selling finite natural resources like oil or diamonds represents 
an incremental decrease in the country's ability to generate wealth 
in coming years. If you account for things like this, says the Bank, 
a lot of developing countries, especially in Africa and the Middle 
East, are running down wealth at a fast pace—though in Asia, even 
with those adjustments, savings rates are still high.

Like the World Bank, the IMF does not think lower savings rates in 
developing countries are the answer. It identifies several other 
things that could make a difference: higher national savings in the 
United States, an investment recovery in Asia, and an increase in 
real GDP growth in Japan and Europe.

Easy to say, difficult to pull off. Raising interest rates would, the 
IMF concedes, have only a limited effect on America's savings rate. 
Balancing the budget would do more, but there seems to be little 
political will to tell Americans they must pay for their government 
programmes. Across the Atlantic, European governments are finding it 
hard to make the kind of structural reforms that could boost their 
sluggish growth rates, and the European Central Bank has remained 
unwilling to provide monetary stimulus by cutting rates. Nor has 
Japan's government, despite the signs of fledgling recovery, yet 
found a formula for boosting its long-term growth rate. It is easier 
to diagnose the illness than effect a cure.




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