The Indian
governments intention of introducing caste based quotas for the Other
Backward Classes in centrally funded institutions of higher learning
and the prime ministers suggestion to the private sector to
voluntarily go in for reservation, has once again sparked off a debate
on the merits and demerits of caste-based reservations. Unfortunately,
the predictable divide between the votaries of social justice on one
hand and those advocating merit on the other seems to have once again
camouflaged the real issues. It is necessary to take a holistic and
non-partisan view of the issues involved.
The hue and cry
about sacrificing merit is untenable simply because merit is after all
a social construct and it cannot be determined objectively in a
historically unjust and unequal context. The idea of competitive merit
will be worthy of serious attention only in a broadly egalitarian
context. But then, caste is not the only obstacle in the way of an
egalitarian order.
After all,
economic conditions, educational opportunities and discrimination on the
basis of gender also contribute to the denial of opportunity to express
ones true merit and worth. It is interesting to note that in the
ongoing debate, one side refuses to see the socially constructed nature
of the notion of merit, while the other side refuses to recognise the
multiplicity of the mechanisms of exclusion with equal
vehemence.
The idea of
caste-based reservations is justified by the logic of social justice.
This implies the conscious attempt to restructure a given social order
in such a way that individuals belonging to the traditionally and
structurally marginalised social groups get adequate opportunities to
actualise their potential and realise their due share in the resources
available.
In any society,
particularly in one as diverse and complex as the Indian society, this
is going to be a gigantic exercise and must not be reduced to just one
aspect of state policy. Seen in this light, caste-based reservation has
to work in tandem with other policies ensuring the elimination of the
structures of social marginalisation and denial of access. It has to be
seen as a means of achieving social justice and not an end in itself. By
the same logic it must be assessed and audited from time to time like
any other social policy and economic strategy.
Hence, it is
important, to discuss reservation in the holistic context of much
required social restructuring and not to convert it into a fetish of
political correctness. Admittedly, caste remains a social reality and
a mechanism of oppression in Indian society. But can we say that caste
is the only mechanism of oppression? Can we say with absolute certainty
that poverty amongst the so-called upper castes has been eradicated? Can
we say that the regions of Northeast, Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh are on par
with the glittering metros of Delhi and Mumbai? Can we say that a pupil
from a panchayat school in Bihar is equipped to compete with an alumnus
of Doon School on an equal footing, even if both of them belong to the
same caste group? One of my students once remarked that he was regularly
compelled to swim across a rivulet in order to reach his school, and the
rivulet in question did not distinguish between Brahmins and dalits.
Incidentally, this young man happens to be a Brahmin by birth! Can we
also say that gender plays no role in denial of social opportunities?
After all, this society discriminates against girls even before they are
born. What to talk of access or opportunities, theyre denied birth
itself. Such discrimination exists across religious and caste
lines.
Moreover, the
question is: do we want to eliminate caste as a factor of social
relations and political processes or do we want to perpetuate it
forever? Is it not true that by treating caste as the only medium of
oppression and hence by focusing all remedial measures on caste alone,
we have only added to the longevity of caste as the determining factor
of social identity? Individuals have been virtually turned into the
epitomes of the caste of their birth denying the multiple identities
that every individual perforce carries. This also helps the powerful
amongst the generally disempowered sections to corner most of the
benefits of caste-based reservation. Caste, which in reality is only one
of the features of identity at the individual level and the
manifestation of an abhorrent social order at the social and structural
level, has been turned into the essential identity of individual
citizens. Such a situation helps only those politicians who are in
search of shortcuts to power. It is harmful for the cause of a modern
social democracy as well as to the cause of individuals in need of
social justice and related affirmative action.
There seems to be
a deliberate attempt to mislead public opinion by projecting caste-based
reservation as the only form of affirmative action. Affirmative action
has to affirm the social will to rectify unjust structures and
practices in existence. Any society has a multiplicity of such
structures and practices. Any programme of affirmative action has to
tackle all these factors and not elevate any one factor to the level of
a political fetish.
I hereby propose a
model of affirmative action that I will call miraa Multiple Index
Related Affirmative Action. As the name suggests, this model will take
into account several factors when a candidate is considered for
admission or employment.
In the specific
situation of our country, miraa will consist of the following
indices:
1.
Caste/Tribe
2. Gender
3. Economic status of family
4. Kind of
schooling received
5. Region where candidate spent his/her formative
years
6. Status as a first generation learner/educational achievement
in the family
Let me explain how
this system will work. There will be no pre-fixed quotas. miraa will be
operative on hundred percent of the available seats for education or
employment. Suppose there is a 100-mark scale for entry to a
college/organisation. These 100 marks can be distributed amongst
entrance test, interview, and academic performance as per the wishes of
the institution in question. First and foremost, all candidates would be
ranked on this hundred mark scale, depending on their performance in the
entrance test, interview etc. Then miraa would be applied and each
candidate irrespective of their caste can potentially benefit from it,
due to the different indices, which make up the system.
The maximum points
a person can get under miraa are 30 and the minimum is 0. Now the
candidates miraa subscore is added to the score s/he achieved in the
admission process described above. This will be the total score. The
candidates whose total score clears the cut-off for a particular
subject/job will then be offered the position. (see boxes on facing
page)
Hence, this system
does take into account both the qualification of the individual as well
as the demands of social and economic justice. Unlike the
quota/percentage system which confines the social justice mechanism only
to a fraction of the available vacancies, miraa brings each and every
seat under the ambit of social and economic justice.
This proposal
doesnt take into account the religion of the applicant, as it is based
upon the realisation the ubiquitous nature of the institution of caste
in Indian society. Hence, the members of marginalised and disempowered
communities across the religious spectrum will get due benefits.
For example, a
Kidwai or Raza Muslim will not be awarded any points under caste index
while an Ansari or a Salmani will get points in accordance with obc
status. The same logic applies to Christians and others as well. I
request the reader to think, consider and react to miraa.
The writer teaches at the Jawaharlal Nehru University,
Delhi
