If your statement is correct, it may mean that there is actually no democracy, 
no govt rule of law, in the cities which actually proves my point. Some 
dictators are runjning the cities.
Rajenda

  ----- Original Message ----- 
  From: umesh sharma 
  To: A Mailing list for people interested in Assam from around the world ; 
[EMAIL PROTECTED] 
  Sent: Wednesday, September 26, 2007 11:44 AM
  Subject: Re: [Assam] Book review : India After Gandhi- Sikh Holocaust


  Rajen-da,

  Your view shows that you have never stayed in Indian metros -where govt 
officials do not rule.

  Umesh

  Rajen & Ajanta Barua <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:
    Umesh:
    India has always been ruled by the 5% elite. In the old days it was the 
Aryan high cast Brahmins and Khsatriyas. To get into that circle one had to 
study a lot, learn how to speak and write Sanskrit. 
    Today it is the 5% IAS officers and 1% MLAs and MPs whom you elect to 
govern. You have to learn to speak and write English to get into that circle.
    The rest 95% were always the ignorant people being ruled, in ancient time, 
during the British Raj and now.
    I donot see any difference.
    Rajenda

      ----- Original Message ----- 
      From: umesh sharma 
      To: A Mailing list for people interested in Assam from around the world ; 
[EMAIL PROTECTED] 
      Sent: Wednesday, September 26, 2007 12:41 AM
      Subject: Re: [Assam] Book review : India After Gandhi- Sikh Holocaust


      Rajen-da,

      The dictatorship is too much of a term - it depends where you are in 
India - those in metros definitely are having full democracy and as you go into 
interiors where law and literacy are remote it becomes dictatorhip by the 
elected.

      See the video of Indira's India of 1984 - Sikh Holocaust 
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_MasMHq7oUs&NR=1


      Umesh

      Rajen & Ajanta Barua <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote: 
        Umesh:
        India is best described as 'an elected dictatorship'.
        Rajenda
          ----- Original Message ----- 
          From: umesh sharma 
          To: A Mailing list for people interested in Assam from around the 
world 
          Sent: Tuesday, September 25, 2007 11:52 PM
          Subject: Re: [Assam] Book review : India After Gandhi- Bengal 
democracy


          Rajen-da

          Good example of India-Shining rhetoric. 
          But just becos there is peace (despite armed militancy in 25% of 
India's districts- NE, Kashmir, Bihar, Central India, LTTE South India etc etc) 
and not many are dying of starvation and voting not by reading election 
manifestos but by recognizing cartoons (election symbols) of political parties 
. 

          Even democratically elected communist govt (an anamoly) of West 
Bengal is allegedly  in power for past 25 years non-stop since  a  nexus  
prevents  anyone  from voting against the "party"  or  else face 
ex-communication a-la erstwhile Pope's rule in Europe in medieval times -as per 
a Bengali researcher .

          But ofcourse noone can deny that despite is shortcomings the India 
that is Bharat is growing  - despite spoofs like Hollywood's "Borat" movie 
(Bharat ??) from Kazakhstan (Rajasthan???)

          Umesh


          Rajen & Ajanta Barua <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote: 
            Following may be added from another review about the book:

            India is the country that was never expected to ever be a country. 
In the late 19th century, Sir John Strachey, a senior British official, grandly 
opined that the territory's diverse states simply could not possess any sort of 
unity, physical, political, social or religious. Strachey, clearly, was wrong: 
India today is a unified entity and a rising global power. Even so, it 
continues to defy explanation. India's existence, says Guha, an internationally 
known scholar (Environmentalism: A Global History), has also been an anomaly 
for academic political science, according to whose axioms cultural 
heterogeneity and poverty do not make a nation, still less a democratic one. 
Yet India continues to exist. Guha's aim in this startlingly ambitious 
political, cultural and social survey is to explain why and how. He cheerfully 
concludes that India's continuing existence results from its unique diversity 
and its refusal to be pigeonholed into such conventional political models as 
Anglo-American liberalism, French republicanism, atheistic communism or 
Islamist theocracy. India is proudly sui generis, and with August 15, 2007, 
being the 60th anniversary of Indian independence, Guha's magisterial history 
of India since that day comes not a moment too soon. 32 pages of b&w illus., 8 
maps.  
              ----- Original Message ----- 
              From: Rajen & Ajanta Barua 
              To: assam@assamnet.org 
              Sent: Tuesday, September 25, 2007 10:42 PM
              Subject: [Assam] Book review : India After Gandhi


              Good review of a grand 900 page book on India recently published:

              India After Gandhi: The History of the World's Largest Democracy 
by Ramachandra Guha  
               
              From The Washington Post's Book World/washingtonpost.com
              Reviewed by George Perkovich
              A toast to India on its 60th birthday: No country has more 
heroically pursued the promise of democracy. Against the odds of staggering 
poverty, conflicting religious passions, linguistic pluralism, regional 
separatism, caste injustice and natural resource scarcity, Indians have lifted 
themselves largely by their own sandal straps to become a stalwart democracy 
and emerging global power. India has risen with epic drama -- a nonviolent 
struggle for independence followed by mass mayhem and bloodletting, dynastic 
succession and assassination, military victory and defeat, starvation succeeded 
by green revolution, political leaders as saints, sinners and sexual ascetics. 
And yet, the Indian story rarely has been told and is practically unknown to 
Americans.
              India After Gandhi masterfully fills the void. India needs a wise 
and judicious narrator to convey its scale, diversity and chaos -- to describe 
the whirlwind without getting lost in it. It needs a biographer neither 
besotted by love nor enraged by disappointment. Ramachandra Guha, a historian 
who has taught at Stanford and Yale and now lives in Bangalore, has given 
democratic India the rich, well-paced history it deserves.
              Much will be new to American readers. Large-scale conflicts in 
India's northeast between tribal groups and the center have been as enduring, 
and in some ways as important, as the more familiar violence in Kashmir. The 
framing of India's constitution from 1946 through 1949 should induce awe, 
especially in light of Iraq's post-Saddam experience.
              In the midst of Hindu-Muslim bloodshed, a flood of 8 million 
refugees, starvation, and other profound conflicts, Indian representatives 
worked out constitutional provisions to protect minorities, keep religion out 
of state power, correct thousands of years of caste discrimination and 
redistribute power and wealth accumulated by still-regnant princely states. 
This was done with no external guidance or pressure. The drafting committee was 
chaired by an "untouchable," B.R. Ambedkar -- analogies are inexact, but 
imagine if James Madison at the Philadelphia Constitutional Convention had been 
a freed slave.
              Specialists will quicken over insights from the private papers of 
Indira Gandhi's confidant, P.N. Haksar, who gave his papers to Guha. These 
documents reveal, among other things, that it was the Soviet Union that 
proposed the 1971 treaty of cooperation and friendship between the two 
countries, and that suspicion of China motivated both nations more than was 
appreciated at the time.
              Miniature biographies of grassroots leaders and movements also 
enliven Guha's storytelling. Jay Aprakash Narayan -- "JP" -- plays a leading 
role. A onetime friend of Nehru who became the bĂȘte noir of his daughter, 
Indira Gandhi, JP led a massive movement for radical governmental reform in 
1974-75, which moved Indira Gandhi to declare a national emergency and suspend 
democracy.
              Some themes go under-explored: For example, why has the Indian 
Army abstained from interfering in politics, unlike the military in many other 
developing countries? And why has India given short shrift to primary 
education, even as it has developed technological institutes that rival M.I.T?
              Many chapters begin or end with India's future in doubt. "India 
is almost infinitely depressing," Aldous Huxley wrote in 1961, "for there seems 
to be no solution to its problems in any way that any of us [in the West] 
regard as acceptable." He predicted that "when Nehru goes, the government will 
become a military dictatorship." Guha records that "ever since the country was 
formed there have also been many Indians who have seen the survival of India as 
being on the line, some (the patriots) speaking or writing in fear, others (the 
secessionists or revolutionaries) with anticipation."
              Yet, marvelously, India's survival as a democracy seems more 
assured than ever. Less clear is the nature of its relationship with America. 
Since 2005, the U.S. and Indian governments have moved toward nuclear 
cooperation, reversing 30 years of U.S. policy against nuclear assistance to 
countries that refuse to sign the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty.
              Washington clearly views India as a counterbalance to China's 
strategic power. But Guha records an important historical parallel.
              In 1962, China crossed disputed boundaries in the northwest and 
northeast of India. A shocked Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru abandoned 
nonalignment and pleaded for emergency U.S. military assistance. Ambassador 
John Kenneth Galbraith wrote to President Kennedy: "The only Asian country 
which really stands in [China's] way is India and pari passu the only Western 
country that is assuming responsibility is the United States. . . . We should 
expect to make use of India's political position, geographical position, 
political power and manpower or anyhow ask."
              Four decades later, another Harvard professor-cum-American 
ambassador to India, Robert Blackwill, championed the proposed nuclear deal 
with similar reasoning. As different as the presidents they served, Blackwill 
and Galbraith were tempted by strategic abstraction and a desire to raise 
"their" country -- India -- in American priorities. Yet supplying arms to India 
in 1962 did not make India any more deferential to U.S. foreign policy. 
Washington will delude itself again if it thinks that nuclear India will be a 
pliant instrument in its geostrategy. As long as India is a democracy, it will 
go its own way.
              To comprehend India's achievement, imagine if Mexico became the 
51st of the United States, followed by Brazil, Argentina and the rest of 
Central and South America. Add Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Bahrain to give this 
union the Sunni-Shia mix of India. The population then represented in Congress 
would still be smaller and less diverse linguistically, religiously, culturally 
and economically than India's. If such a state could democratically manage the 
interests and conflicts swirling within it, and not threaten its neighbors, the 
world should ask little else from it. If we were such a state, we would feel 
that our humane progress contributes so much to global well-being that smaller, 
richer, easier-to-manage states should not presume to tell us what to do.
              Sixty years after Gandhi, India has earned greater appreciation 
than we give it.

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          Umesh Sharma

          Washington D.C. 

          1-202-215-4328 [Cell]

          Ed.M. - International Education Policy
          Harvard Graduate School of Education,
          Harvard University,
          Class of 2005

          http://www.uknow.gse.harvard.edu/index.html (Edu info)

          http://hbswk.hbs.edu/ (Management Info)




          www.gse.harvard.edu/iep (where the above 2 are used )




          http://jaipurschool.bihu.in/ 

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      Umesh Sharma

      Washington D.C. 

      1-202-215-4328 [Cell]

      Ed.M. - International Education Policy
      Harvard Graduate School of Education,
      Harvard University,
      Class of 2005

      http://www.uknow.gse.harvard.edu/index.html (Edu info)

      http://hbswk.hbs.edu/ (Management Info)




      www.gse.harvard.edu/iep (where the above 2 are used )




      http://jaipurschool.bihu.in/ 

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      For ideas on reducing your carbon footprint visit Yahoo! For Good this 
month. 

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    _______________________________________________
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  Umesh Sharma

  Washington D.C. 

  1-202-215-4328 [Cell]

  Ed.M. - International Education Policy
  Harvard Graduate School of Education,
  Harvard University,
  Class of 2005

  http://www.uknow.gse.harvard.edu/index.html (Edu info)

  http://hbswk.hbs.edu/ (Management Info)




  www.gse.harvard.edu/iep (where the above 2 are used )




  http://jaipurschool.bihu.in/


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