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<A HREF="aol://5863:126/alt.conspiracy:538461">Clinton and Martial Law</A>
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Subject: Clinton and Martial Law
From: B Lemaster <Use-Author-Address-Header@[127.1]>
Date: Tue, 20 July 1999 01:59 PM EDT
Message-id: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>



                 Clinton and 'martial law'

                 Posse Comitatus Act
                 no check on White House power,
                 attorneys claim


                 By Sarah Foster
                 May 21, 1999
                 WorldNetDaily

                 President Clinton doesn't need to sign an executive
                 order to start a full-scale gun grab. He doesn't need to
                 declare martial law if he wants to use the armed forces
                 to deal with public unrest. And if he figures a state
                 government isn't doing all it should to enforce some
                 federal law that nobody likes, he can use federal troops
                 to make certain that the law is complied with -- even if
                 the governor and everyone living in the state are
                 adamantly opposed to it.

                 He can do all these things on his own, without seeking
                 advice or approval from Congress.

                 Not even the 1878 Posse Comitatus Act, which
                 Congress intended as a shield to protect citizens from
                 the military, places any significant limitations on
                 presidential power.

                 That's what Virginia attorneys William Olson and Alan
                 Woll discovered when they looked into the matter for
                 Gun Owners of America, a Washington-based lobbying
                 organization dedicated to defending the Second
                 Amendment.

                 Last December Olson and Woll published an analysis
                 on "Executive Orders and National Emergencies:
                 Presidential Power Grab Nearly Unchecked," which
                 was featured in WorldNetDaily. This earlier work
                 prompted Larry Pratt, president and executive director
                 of GOA, to commission the attorneys to examine a
                 related issue.

                 "I asked them to look at all the executive orders and see
                 if there was a nexus with guns; some kind of hook that
                 would allow the government to get a hook on our trigger
                 guards, so our guns can be pulled from our hands
                 through some power they had delegated to themselves
                 by executive order," Pratt recalled in a telephone
                 interview.

                 Though unable to find a direct reference that would
                 permit gun confiscation, "What they discovered was
                 worse," said Pratt. "The president doesn't have to sign
                 an executive order. He already has the power to go
                 after our guns."

                 The 35-page Olson-Woll report entitled "Presidential
                 Powers to Use the U.S. Armed Forces to Control
                 Potential Civilian Disturbances," developed naturally
                 from their earlier research, but it is written as though it
                 were a memo to the president, from a "Counsel's
                 Office," in response to a White House request for a
                 legal opinion about how far the president can go in using
                 the military for law enforcement purposes in the event of
                 a Y2K or other crisis: Would a declaration of martial
                 law be necessary to call out the military? What about
                 the Posse Comitatus Act?

                 "This memorandum is fictional but accurately depicts the
                 broad powers assumed and exercised by presidents to
                 utilize U.S. military forces to regulate civilian activity,"
                 the authors state in a disclaimer.

                 "We wrote it that way to draw peoples' attention to the
                 issues," Olson explained by telephone. "We hoped that
                 using this format to present the information would make
                 it more real. A lot of what we talk about sounds like
                 history, but it's quite current, and one could imagine the
                 president asking for advice on this very issue."

                 The answers to the hypothetical questions came as a
                 "complete surprise" to Larry Pratt and to the authors
                 themselves. "We had no idea that his powers were so
                 broad," said Olson. "The fact that there are these vast
                 standby statutory powers is shocking. I'm afraid
                 Congress keeps passing the laws that grant this power
                 and never stands back and asks, 'What have we done?'
                 It's time that they start looking and asking."

                 The statutes referred to are found in Title 10 of the U.S.
                 Code, which deals with the Armed Forces. Through
                 them the president is given authority to intervene with
                 military force in a state's domestic disputes, upon
                 request from the state legislature or governor -- or
                 without it. Some examples cited by Olson and Woll:

                 Title 10, U.S. Code, Section 331: Whenever there is an
                 insurrection in any State against its government, the
                 President may, upon the request of its legislature or its
                 governor ... use such of the armed forces, as he
                 considers necessary to suppress the insurrection.

                 Title 10, U.S. Code, Section 332: Whenever the
                 President considers that unlawful obstructions,
                 combinations, or assemblages, or rebellion against the
                 authority of the United States, make it impracticable to
                 enforce the laws of the United States in any State or
                 Territory ... he may call into Federal service such of the
                 militia of any State, and use such of the armed forces, as
                 he considers necessary to enforce those laws or to
                 suppress the rebellion.

                 Title 10, U.S. Code, Section 333: The President, by
                 using the militia or the armed forces, or both, or by
                 other means, shall take such measures as he considers
                 necessary to suppress, in a State, any insurrection,
                 domestic violence, unlawful combination or conspiracy,
                 if it hinders the execution of the laws of that State, and
                 of the United States within the State ... or opposes or
                 obstructs the execution of the laws of the United States
                 or impedes the course of justice under those laws ...

                 Olson and Woll discovered that the U.S. Supreme
                 Court ruled in 1863 that the president can unilaterally
                 decide whether an insurrection is in effect and determine
                 how much force is necessary to suppress it. He can
                 "brand as belligerents the inhabitants of any area in
                 general insurrection."

                 Equally shocking, in Olson's view, as the fact that the
                 president can use the military against civilians, is the fact
                 that former presidents have done so on "many
                 occasions" -- none of them declaring martial law.

                 For example, in 1914 President Woodrow Wilson
                 deployed federal troops in Colorado to suppress a
                 labor dispute. Olson-Wolls point out that Wilson
                 ordered the U.S. Army to disarm American citizens --
                 including state and local officials, sheriffs, the police and
                 the National Guard; to arrest American citizens; to
                 monitor the state judicial process and re-arrest (and
                 hold in military custody) persons released by the state
                 courts; and to deny writs of habeas corpus issued by
                 state courts.

                 Earlier, in South Carolina in 1871, without declaring
                 martial law, President Grant sent troops into nine
                 counties of South Carolina to enforce a proclamation
                 commanding the residents to give up their arms and
                 ammunition. Grant suspended the writ of habeas corpus.
                 More than 600 arrests had been made by the end of
                 1871.

                 Between 1807 and 1925, federal troops were used
                 more than 100 times to quell domestic disturbances --
                 sometimes the presence of the troops alone was enough
                 to discourage the participants.

                 "Look at the history," Olson exclaimed. "None of what's
                 happening is new. Could you ever imagine that the
                 President of the United States could order the Army to
                 disarm sheriffs, disarm police, and disarm the National
                 Guard? Isn't that beyond what you'd ever dream?

                 "But it has happened. It's the fact that this has happened
                 that should cause people to take this issue seriously."

                 But doesn't the Posse Comitatus Act provide
                 restrictions against the use of the military? This is the act
                 that prohibits the Army or Air force from acting as a
                 posse comitatus -- "the population of a county the
                 sheriff may summon to assist him in certain cases."

                 "No one should ever think the Posse Comitatus Act is
                 any check whatsoever on the ability of the federal
                 government to employ military might against civilians,"
                 said Olson.

                 "We were surprised at how weak the Posse Comitatus
                 Act is," he continued. "There have been no prosecutions
                 ever, and it doesn't apply to any branch of the armed
                 forces except the Army and the Air Force. It has a huge
                 exception -- that deployment of the Army or Air Force
                 as a posse comitatus is a crime, 'except in cases and
                 under circumstances expressly authorized by the
                 Constitution or Act of Congress.'

                 "That 'Constitution or Act of Congress' exception is so
                 broad you can drive a truck through," Olson remarked.

                 "The final thing that surprised us was that that the
                 military doesn't need an order from the president to
                 have control over civilians," Olson said. "I had always
                 thought only the president could declare martial law, but
                 apparently not. Apparently any commander can do it,
                 can suspend all civil rights."

                 Larry Pratt considers this last the most egregious of all
                 the Olson-Woll findings.

                 "Military commanders can act on the basis that there is
                 an emergency," said Pratt. "They don't have to wait until
                 martial law is declared. The powers that they have in
                 their hands are tremendous.

                 "People can't expect President Clinton to sit there in
                 front of a camera and say, 'Tonight I have declared
                 martial law,'" Pratt said. "You'll just find out about it
                 when you try and get on the main highway and there's a
                 humvee with a soldier who says, 'Turn back.' And when
                 you ask why, he puts his gun into ready position and
                 says, 'I'm only following orders. Please turn back.'

                 "You can challenge that. You can say they -- the
                 commander or the soldier -- have no constitutional
                 authority for this, and you may be correct. But you will
                 be arguing on the wrong side of a barbed wire fence.
                 They can simply do it. It will not be debated.

                 "It's wonderful," Pratt noted, ironically. "It goes beyond
                 what [White House spokesperson] Paul Begala said
                 about executive orders: You know, 'Stroke of a pen.
                 Law of the land. Kinda cool.' Martial law could be
                 initiated by one commander sending an e-mail to a guy
                 at the base to muster his troops.

                 "Stroke of a keyboard, martial law. Kinda cool," Pratt
                 said.

____________________________
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