-Caveat Lector- <A HREF="http://www.ctrl.org/"> </A> -Cui Bono?- Since the final, 1848 stage of the fall from power of the decaying Habsburg Empire’s Clement Prince Metternich, the conflict between two mutually exclusive principles of government, has dominated the entirety of the principal affairs of each and all nations of globally extended European civilization. The LaRouche case, as summarized above, is no exception to that rule. The presently leading conflict within the morally crisis-stricken U.S. Democratic Party, is also no exception to that rule. The early Nineteenth-Century decline and fall of the power of the old, princely, feudal landed aristocracy, left European civilization under the domination of a conflict between two contending social forces. On the one side, there was the triumphant modern form of ruling financial oligarchy, a form of society and state brought forth in the Netherlands and England under the direct influence of those ruling sets of Venice’s financial-oligarchical families which had been led, successively by figures such as Paolo Sarpi and Abbot Antonio Conti. This was the financier oligarchy against which our patriots opposed both the bloody tyranny of William of Orange and the new British monarchy established with the accession of George I. Our republic, created in such circumstances, was of a new form. It had its ancient roots in such precedents as Solon’s reforms at Athens, in the Classical Greek struggle for the establishment of republics, and in the ecumenical conception of man brought to Classical Greek culture by such Apostles of Jesus Christ as Peter, John, and Paul. The founders of our constitutional republic followed the Fifteenth-Century precedents of statecraft of France’s King Louis XI and England’s Henry VII. When, during the course of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, the conditions in Europe, became an unsuitable political climate for establishing true republics consistent with the commonwealth principles of Louis XI and Henry VII, Europeans committed to that cause, established colonies in the Americas. These colonies, at least the best among them, such as the Massachusetts Bay Colony of the Winthrops and Mathers, sought to build up true commonwealths, otherwise to be known as republics, in the Americas. It was their desire, that not only should these nascent republics prosper, but that they become, in the later words of our friend the Marquis de Lafayette, temples of liberty and beacons of hope, in the eyes of our strife-ridden friends and political allies among the peoples of Europe and elsewhere. That role and mission, the fostering of a community of principle among perfectly sovereign such republics, has been crucial to the very continued existence of our republic, a fact which has been recognized by all great patriots of our republic as our nation’s true manifest destiny. Unfortunately, even up to the present date, Europe has not yet succeeded in establishing durable forms of true constitutional republics. Great reforms, especially reforms inspired by our successful struggle for liberty against our own British oligarchical oppressor, have occurred. For a time, some among us had good reason to be hopeful that President Charles de Gaulle would lead his nation into becoming a true republic. Unfortunately, despite the great democratizing reforms which have occurred in the old world, the constitutions of Europe are still but the reformed relics of feudal institutions of government, under an arrangement in which parliaments are as often the victims of a reigning financier oligarchy, operating like a puppet-master from behind the scenes, as master of the nation’s affairs. Such was the nature of the way in which Anglo-American oligarchical interest destroyed the sovereign political system of Italy, beginning 1992, and the way in which Anglo-American oligarchical agencies have prompted the eruption of a similar destabilization of the representative political institutions of Germany, and potentially also France, most recently. Unfortunately, since the establishment of our own constitutional republic, we as a people have often been betrayed by ourselves. Today, as often during the past, our nation has been more often the victim of inherently wicked, powerful forces living among us, than of any foreign power. Among us, there are chiefly two powerful enemies, and yet a third powerful cause for our recurring, self-inflicted sorrows. Our republic’s two explicit internal enemies of note, are, first, a financier oligarchy, which came to be centered in New York City’s Wall Street, around the circles of British Foreign Office agent Aaron Burr; and, second, the tradition of the slaveholding planter oligarchy, the tradition we associate with the Confederacy. The third enemy, is the persisting folly among the ordinary people of our nation, those whom President Abraham Lincoln described by observing that you can fool all of the people some of the time, and most of the people, as today, all of the time. The persisting propensity of the majority among our people to be fooled, is the third, and most important source of all those afflictions we have suffered since our republic was established. The wicked minority, the concerts of Wall Street financial-oligarchical interest which follow in the footsteps of Aaron Burr’s Bank of Manhattan, and of the slaveholder tradition, are the minority which has been able to rule during so many intervals of our history, solely through the recurring disposition of the majority of our people to behave as political fools. Thus, it came to be the case, that the financier-oligarchical legacy, jointly represented by the Wall Street financier interest and its law firms, and the Lockean legacy of the slaveowners’ tradition, have been my only significant political enemies here, within the United States. The others among my opponents, are simply people, of sundry stations, behaving, not uncommonly, as fools. To understand that conflict between me and those significant political enemies, and such among their lackeys as the Justice Department’s John Keeney, is to understand each and all of the leading issues expressed in thirty-odd years of the “Get LaRouche” operation. The political issue which underlies the continuing de facto criminality of the Justice Department’s permanent bureaucracy, is exactly the same as what Henry Kissinger identified, in his Chatham House address, as the conflict between President Franklin Roosevelt and Winston Churchill. That, for example, has been the only essential conflict between me and Kissinger, throughout the recent approximately thirty years to date. However, like the infinitely corrupt Fouche and Talleyrand of their own time, today’s creatures such as John Keeney and Kissinger, or the Trilateral Mr. Zbigniew Brzezinski, are but liveried lackeys disguised in mufti. To locate the political issues of our time, one must first address them according to the famous prescription of England’s Alexander Pope: “Pray, Sir, and whose dog are you?” One must identify the mere lackeys by their masters. The proximate origin of that political conflict today, can be efficiently traced from the successful assassination of President William McKinley, in 1901. That assassination, arranged through the Henry Street Settlement House of Emma Goldman, made a scion of the Confederacy, Theodore Roosevelt, President.52 It was that Roosevelt, and the man he made President, Woodrow Wilson, who introduced those sweeping disastrous changes in our institutions, which have brought us repeatedly to the verge of ruin during today’s preceding hundred years. The Criminal Division of the Justice Department, as typified by John Keeney and J. Edgar Hoover’s FBI, is an exemplary, Wall Street-controlled, creation of the Theodore Roosevelt Presidency, and one of the key puppets of Wall Street inside the permanent bureaucracy of our government, to the present date. The satanic figure of bureaucrat Keeney, typifies such mere puppets of the bidding of Wall Street financier interest and its attached law firms. Typical: specifically, the FBI was first established, as the National Bureau of Investigation, by Theodore Roosevelt’s Attorney General, Charles Bonaparte, a Fouche of his time, and an authentic member of the Bonaparte family, who plainly stated his intent to create a Bonapartist style of political police agency in the United States. He proposed a secret political police, like that under the Emperor Napoleon, and under the latter’s nephew and Lord Palmerston appointee as ruler of France, Napoleon III.53 This secret political police became known, chiefly, as the FBI of J. Edgar Hoover notoriety. Typically, Theodore Roosevelt’s mentor was a famous traitor to the United States, his uncle, the rabid Anglophile Captain James Bulloch, a notorious filibusterer and head of the foreign intelligence service for the Confederate States of America. “Teddy” represented, as his adopted patron, the notoriously tainted, rabidly Anglophile, Wall Street faction of the national Republican Party, the bitter enemies of such Lincoln Republicans as Garfield, Blaine, and McKinley. Typically, the man whom Theodore Roosevelt’s Bull Moose theatrics made President, Woodrow Wilson, was a fanatical admirer of the Ku Klux Klan, who launched the mass-organizing for a revived Klan, openly, from that Executive Mansion which “Teddy” had renamed “The White House.” In that time, New York Republicans and New York Democrats were interchangeable parts. Tilden’s campaign had ended Reconstruction, and Cleveland’s Presidency had installed both the establishment of a Wall Street-controlled permanent Federal bureaucracy, in the abused name of “reform,” and also the Jim Crow doctrine enshrined by “separate but equal.” The Sons of the Confederacy and Wall Street were as one in their determination to uproot and eradicate the legacy of Presidents such as Washington, Monroe, Quincy Adams, Lincoln, Garfield, and McKinley. Typical of wretches of his pedigree, Theodore Roosevelt rewarded those who had brought him into the Presidency by unleashing, in the name of “trust-busting,” an onrushing takeover of American productive entrepreneurship’s interests, by the interlinked Wall Street and London financier oligarchies. The design of the Federal Reserve System, on the initiative of King Edward VII’s chief financial agent inside the U.S., Jacob Schiff, and the establishment of that Federal Reserve System by a Roosevelt-backed racist, President Woodrow Wilson, typify the counterrevolutionary character of the changes introduced to the U.S. and its economy, under the successive Presidencies of Theodore Roosevelt, Woodrow Wilson, and Calvin Coolidge. Except for the leadership of President Franklin Roosevelt, the United States as a republic could not have survived what the Presidencies of Teddy Roosevelt, Woodrow Wilson, and Calvin Coolidge wrought. In the setting of the years following the assassination of the President John F. Kennedy who had made a knowledgeable commitment to revive the Franklin Roosevelt legacy, I found myself moving into a new way of personal life. My principles were not altered; they remained, axiomatically, those which defined my entire development over the first thirty years of my life. What changed, during the middle of the 1960s, was an emerging new sense of personal responsibility, and mission, in defense of this nation from the greatest dangers which I recognized as emergent at that time. There were either very few individuals who accepted that responsibility at that time, or, if they existed, they have vanished, unheralded, from the scene. Thus, my own emerging role in our national political life has been a unique one, both within our nation, and, increasingly, in the world at large. As a correlative, this relative uniqueness of my qualifications on this account has produced, as reaction, the relative uniqueness of the campaigns of assassination, defamation, and prosecution, which the Justice Department and its Wall Street masters have conducted against me, around the world, during these recent thirty years. Thus, in that time, especially after the assassination of the Reverend Martin Luther King, I found myself amid a growing political vacuum of national leadership, a general lack of those specific qualities of leadership needed to pull the nation back to at least the level of quality of outlook characteristic of the best features of the Lincoln tradition and the Franklin Roosevelt legacy.54 At first, my role in our political life was that of a gadfly, a critic of the prevailing absurdities of that time. After the follies of President Richard Nixon’s decisions of mid-August 1971, my situation changed rapidly. Because of my exceptional combination of qualifications as a cultivated original thinker and economist, and also my temperament, I began to emerge rather rapidly as a significant new political figure in our nation, and among nations abroad. It was to this that the herders of the political sheep pens and slaughterhouses reacted early on; by late 1973, they had decided to orchestrate my assassination by the FBI’s puppets within the National Committee of the Communist Party U.S.A. As the behavior of the leading mass-media since 1973 attests, and as the three decades of the still-ongoing Justice Department operations against me attest, the oligarchical managers of our nation’s political sheep-pens are still at their bloody work. Think of the way in which cattle-breeders manage their herds. The fat, milky, and manageable critters, they breed; those difficult to control, or ill-suited to menial labor, or those which are simply deemed too numerous to suit their master’s pleasure, they cull. That is the way the slave-catchers culled their captives. That is the way in which oligarchies, throughout the ages of known history, have managed the political herds over which they ruled. Traditionally, as the case of the assassination of a J. Edgar Hoover-targetted Martin Luther King attests,55 oligarchies and their menial lackeys do not wait until an insolent specimen becomes a serious threat to the oligarchy’s arrangements, as Presidential pre-candidate Robert Kennedy did; the oligarchs tend to order them killed before they might have the chance to develop, to become a serious threat. With the oligarchs and their lackeys, that is partly a matter of instinct: the instinct to kill what they dislike. Among cleverer managers of the political herd, there is a more cultivated motive for such killings and kindred enterprises in culling the popular herd. It is in the nature of any sort of oligarchical society to descend into self-inflicted crises of existential implications. In such crises, there tends to be a quickly spreading, popular receptivity, born in desperation, to consider new ideas. I have referred to this as a “Pearl Harbor Effect”: the often sudden changes in the temper and outlook of even the majority of the population in the moment “the bomb drops.” If there are voices which might qualify as new leaders, under such circumstances, important changes may be introduced to society. If such leaders are wanting, or have been culled beforehand, the old oligarchy will either retain power, or soon regain it, and “the same old crap goes on all over again.” Since human nature itself is alien to the state of being human cattle, the impulse within the population, especially among the young, to establish new institutions consistent with actual human nature, is relatively strong, especially during shocking crises, then at least for a relatively short time. Great changes for the better may occur under such circumstances. The adopted self-interest of the oligarchy is either to prevent such changes, or to adapt to them with the intent to recapture their old, customary power, if perhaps in a slightly modified form, once the population has settled into preoccupation with the banality of narrowly defined personal and local self-interests. If one views the case of President Franklin Roosevelt, and of President John Kennedy, from this historical vantage-point, the oligarchy’s continuing hatred of Roosevelt, and of Kennedy, to the present day, is easily recognized. Then, and now, the oligarchy and its lackeys think: Prevent that from ever happening again! That reaction is virtually a matter of instinct. This reaction operates not only against mavericks who might become President. The oligarch’s rule is to weed out potentially troublesome persons of republican impulse at all levels. Either to kill them, imprison them, defame them, or neutralize them in other ways, including such tactics as the pure and simple personal, financial, or other corruption used to manufacture the prosecution witnesses for the Boston and Alexandria trials. Essentially, the culpable characters in the Justice Department, the FBI, the Democratic National Committee’s bureaucracy, and the mass media, are simply lackeys; but, as one might recall from the study of feudal and other history, it is the lackeys who usually do their masters’ dirty work, and who seem, like Nazi SS men, to enjoy it the most. So, in 1973, Wall Street’s Justice Department lackeys said: “Kill him!” When I began to play a marginal role internationally, and then run for President, the oligarchy reacted, by judging me to be potentially even much more dangerous than in 1973. By 1982, my influence internationally had reached the level at which the oligarchs decided to eradicate me and everything associated with me. They did so because they were frightened, because they fear that someone might do as I was committed to doing: utilize the impending global crisis to bring back the American system and its legacy. That, indeed, I will do, if I am allowed. That, in short, is the one and only true reason for the prosecutorial and other dirty operations against me and my friends, to which I have referred here. The concern of the oligarchy and its lackeys is to be rid of me in any way possible. Only countervailing considerations of factitious advantage and related notions of political expediency deter them from simply killing me at any early moment. I fear what will become of all of you who survive me, if I am taken from you in that or similar ways. The historical issue of those trials Top of Document The leading issue, which set Wall Street and the Supreme Court into bitter opposition to President Franklin Roosevelt then, was Roosevelt’s advocacy of the cause for which our nation’s founders had established our independence and our Federal Constitutional republic. That advocacy is stated, as I have already emphasized here, in the first three paragraphs of the 1776 Declaration of Independence and the Preamble of the Federal Constitution. In that Preamble, the most distinguishing, fundamental principle of law, upon which the distinguishing features of the remainder of that Constitution are premised axiomatically, is the principle of the general welfare. That was always the issue between President Franklin Roosevelt on the one side, and oligarchical forces of Wall Street and the Supreme Court on the opposite side. That bitter, axiomatic issue, is the pivotal motive for our oligarchs’ hatred of Franklin Roosevelt then, and of me today. It is also the key to understanding the moral issue which rots out the political and other character of even most professing Christians, and similar hypocrites, in the U.S.A. today. Thus, the political history of the Twentieth-Century U.S.A. became the tale of the two President Roosevelts: Teddy the louse, versus Franklin the patriot. Thus, the root of the same issue, is the issue of two mutually exclusive conceptions of individual human nature: the one the notion of man as endowed with that power of cognition, which defines all persons as made equally in the image of the Creator of the universe, and the opposite, oligarchical assumption, an assumption expressed in the axiomatically bestial, empiricist notions of human nature, the conception of man expressed by both Bernard de Mandeville’s satanic fable, The Fable of the Bees,56 and the related, oligarchical notions of slaveholder or shareholder “values,” the latter considered as axiomatically supreme in law-making. The willingness of the Federal Court to condone the mass-murder of citizens through application of shareholder value to HMO practices, welfare reform, Social Security, and other domains, puts these issues of contending legal principle into sharper focus. Implicitly, whenever the courts, for one, uphold the premise of shareholder value, or kindred premises, for decisions disfavorable to the principle of the general welfare, that court’s majority is urinating upon the Declaration of Independence and Federal Constitution, acts which are rightly considered as impeachable. Consider, as a most relevant example of this point, the landmark decisions associated with the regimes of the currently reigning, and ruining Governors of the Federal states of Texas, Florida, and Virginia. Consider the recent history of relevant majority decisions by the Supreme Court in that light. Keep in mind, as you consider this matter, the phrase “culling the popular herd.” Consider the case in which a convict, sitting on death row, has the prospective benefit of evidence showing either that he, or she is probably innocent, or simply that the relevant trial was so polluted in character, that the case must be returned to fresh trial. Consider the number of such extreme cases of death-row inmates which have been rushed to execution in defiance of reasonable evidence of such flaws in the judgment at trial. Consider, then, the instances in which the relevant state and Federal judicial and other authorities have argued that the desire to establish the perfect “finality” of death-sentences overrides the considerations of truth and justice. Consider the number of such cases in which decisions by the U.S. Supreme Court have either ordered executions to proceed, in effect, or in which model such decisions by that Court have cleared the way for termination at the lower levels of decision-making. Consider the relevant, perverted state of mind expressed by both of the relevant sons of former President George Bush in such and related matters. What does the mere existence of such a condition say of the entire system of Federal justice today? It says that the Federal system of justice has become a prosecutorial crap-game, and a rigged one at that. It says, that truth is no longer axiomatically a consideration in our Federal system of justice. It says that the Federal courts have tended to become the mere rubber stamps for such Fouches of the Federal prosecutorial bureaucracy as John Keeney. Ah! But there is something else of great importance to be considered. The role of mass-media-orchestrated “popular opinion,” that popular opinion which is the last resort of appeal by the common scoundrel of today. This modern cult of media-orchestrated popular opinion, so defined by Woodrow Wilson’s Walter Lippmann, is to be recognized as nothing other than an echo of the same cult of vox populi, under whose reign ancient Rome guided itself into that moral degeneracy which brought about the great Dark Age of the First Millennium A.D. Thus, through the cult of popular opinion, Rome acquired its fatal loss of the moral fitness of its culture to survive. We as a nation, have been following that same road to Hell, during no less than the recent three decades. The leading, characteristic pathology of that self-doomed Roman culture was the corruption of the mass of the population by the methods of “bread and circuses.” There is virtually no moral difference between the form of entertainment which the Romans enjoyed in the Colisseum under the worst of the Caesars, and popular mass-entertainment today, both TV entertainment, and such forms as mass-spectator stadium and related sports events. If one compares the pornography and blood-and-gore in mass entertainment, with what usually passes for mass-media news broadcasts, one should recognize, with a sense of horror, the systemic likeness of the moral depravity of ancient Roman culture and our own. Worst of all, perhaps, is that such orchestrated depravity has been the principal influence shaping the conduct and outcome of our recent national and other election-campaigns. The only remedy for such an imminently fatal moral sickness as that disease of popular opinion, is a combined sense of reality and truthfulness, as Plato, for example, supplied modern civilization its method for defining truthfulness and justice. We can only hope, that the impending, massive shock, of the now-looming, chain-reaction collapse of the world’s present financial system, will drive the population out of the delusions of current, presently doomed financial markets, into a sense of a real world, in which what we will be able to consume, will be simply what our nation is able to produce: a sudden return to reality, prompted by a shock akin in its effects to the bombing of Pearl Harbor. When reality-shock brings your neighbor to his senses, at last, remember what I have told you about the great questions of history, justice, and the battle between oligarchs and real human beings. Now, spectators, I have given you the score-card. Choose your sides accordingly. Now, recognize that it is increasingly often the case, that only those who speak honestly of their convictions, these days, are telling the truth. Thus, I have told the truth you urgently need to know. <A HREF="http://www.ctrl.org/">www.ctrl.org</A> DECLARATION & DISCLAIMER ========== CTRL is a discussion & informational exchange list. Proselytizing propagandic screeds are not allowed. Substance—not soap-boxing! These are sordid matters and 'conspiracy theory'—with its many half-truths, misdirections and outright frauds—is used politically by different groups with major and minor effects spread throughout the spectrum of time and thought. 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